presented to
of tbe
iriniverett? of C;oronto
bv?
mx5. Timallace IResbitt
trom tbc law library?
ot tbe
H^ononrable lUlallace IResbitt, Ifv.C.,
Crcasurer of tbe Xaw Socictv?
of llppcr Cana^a
fi/^
THE WORKS
OP
FRANCIS BACON
THE
WORKS
OF
FRANCIS BACON
BARON OF VERULAM, VISCOUNT ST. ALBANS, AND
LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND.
^olUcteH anti HDiteH
JAMES SPEDDING, M. A.
OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE;
ROBERT LESLIE ELLIS, M.A.
LATE FELLOW OP TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE:
DOUGLAS DENON HEATH,
BARRISTER- AT-LAW ; LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
VOLUME XII.
VOL. 11. OF THE LITERARY AND PROFESSIONAL WORKS.
BOSTON:
PUBLISHED BY BROWN \J^m^-JA r^G ^ RIL
M DCCC LX.
M!CROFORi'*^ED BY
PRL-SERVATSON
StRViCES
DATE .^^G-8 1989
RIVERSIDE, CAMBRIDGE:
STEREOTYPED AND PRINTED BY
H. 0. HOUGHTON.
CONTENTS
OF
THE TWELFTH VOLUME.
LITERARY WORKS — continued.
PAGE
In Henricum Principem Walli^ Elogium ... 9
The same translated into English . . . . 19
Imago Civilis Julii C^esaris 27
The same translated into English .... 35
Imago Civilis Augusti C^saris 33
The same translated into English .... 43
Additions and Corrections inserted by Bacon in
A Manuscript Copy of Camden's Annales . . 45
Essays or Counsels Civil and Moral . . . 67
Preface 69
/gf Truth 81
^f Death 84
Of Unity in Religion 86
Of Revenge 92
Of Adversity 93
Of Simulation and Dissimulation . . . ' . 95
Of Parents and Children 99
(TJf Marriage and Single Life 101
Of Envy 103
(;7)f Love 109
(^'Of Great Place HI
Of Boldness 116
vi CONTENTS OF
PAGE
Essays or Counsels Civil and Moral — (continued,^
Of Goodness and Goodness of Nature . . . 118
Of Nobility 121
Of Seditions and Troubles 123
Of Atheism 131
Of Superstition 135
Of Travel .137
Of Empire 140
Of Counsel 146
Of Delays 152
-: (J^f Cunning 153
Of Wisdom for a Man's self 158
Of Innovations 160
Of Dispatch 161
Of Seeming Wise 164
_ Of Friendship . . . . . . .165
Of Expense 174
Of the True Greatness of Kingdoms and Estates . 176
Of Regiment of Health 188
Of Suspicion 190
Of Discourse 191
Of Plantations 194
Of Riches 198
Of Prophecies 203
Of Ambition . 206
Of Masques and Triumphs 209
Of Nature in Men 211
Of Custom and Education 213
Of Fortune 215
Of Usury 218
Of Youth and Age 223
Of Beauty 225
Of Deformity 227
Of Building 223
Of Gardens 235
Of Negociating 245
Of Followers and Friends 24 7
Of Suitors 249
THE TWELFTH VOLUME. vii
PAGE
Essays or Counsels Civil and Morai. — (continued.)
(.jQ/* Studies 252
Of Faction 254
Of Ceremonies and Respects 256
Of Praise 258
Of Yain-GIory 260
Of Honour and Reputation 263
Of Judicature 265
Of Anger 271
Of Vicissitude of Things 273
Appendix to the Essays : —
I. Fragment of an Essay on Fame .... 283
II. Early Editions of the Essays : —
Edition of 1597 287
Manuscript Collection 305
Edition of 1612 309
III. Essays attributed to Bacon without authority . 383
De Sapientia Yeterum 403
Preface 405
Cassandra, sive Parrhesia 433
Typhon, sive Rebellis 434
Cyclopes, sive Ministri Terroris .... 436
Narcissus, sive Philautia 438
Styx, sive Foedera 439
Pan, sive Natura 441
Perseus, sive Bellum 449
Endymion, sive Gratiosus 453
IN
HENEICUl PEINCIPEM WAIUM
ELOGIUM FRANCISCI BACONI.
PREFACE
This notice of the character of Prince Henry was
first printed by Birch in his edition of Bacon's works,
1763, from a manuscript in the Harleian Collection
(1893, fo. 75.) ; the only copy I have met with. It
is written in a hand of the time ; I think in that of
one of Bacon's own people. At any rate there can
be no doubt as to the authorship : it bears all the
marks of Bacon's style ; of which it is one of the
best specimens. Birch conjectured that it was in-
tended to be sent to De Thou for use in his his-
tory, as the memorial of Elizabeth had been. This
is very probable. But I am not aware that anything
is known about it, beyond what it carries on its face.
Neither does it seem to require any explanation or
illustration ; unless it be worth while to say that the
rumour mentioned in the last sentence — the rumour
that Prince Henry died by poison — was revived dur-
ing the trial of the murderers of Sir Thomas Over-
bury, and obtained for a while an importance which
it did not deserve, from some dark words prematurely
dropped by Sir Edward Coke. It seems that Frank-
lin, the apothecary who was concerned in the poison-
ing of Overbury, finding himself condemned to death,
began to talk of certain dreadful disclosures which he
12 PREFACE.
could make if he liked ; how more were to be poisoned
than were yet known ; how the Earl and Countess of
Somerset had the most aspiring minds that ever were
heard of; how the Earl never loved the Prince nor
the Lady Ehzabeth; how strange it was that the
King kept an outlandish physician about his person
and the person of the Prince deceased ; " thereon "
he said " lieth a long tale ; " how he knew things
he was ashamed to speak of; and lastly (to come to
the point) how " he could make one discovery that
should deserve his life : " with other things of the
same kind — devices of a condemned man to put off
the day of his hanging. On the strength of these
hints, and (strange to say) before he had made fur-
ther inquiry, Coke gave out a mysterious intimation
in open court of iniquities not yet brought to light,
"which he knew of;" and even added a direct allu-
sion to the death of the Prince, as a mystery con-
cerning which "he knew somewhat." Hearing such
things from the oracle on the Bench, the people natu-
rally looked for the revelation of some new horror ;
and when nothing came, they as naturally supposed
that it had been for some mysterious reason hushed
up, and so betook themselves to strange conjectures,
which begot a brood of strange rumours. But I be-
lieve the whole truth is that when Franklin's dis-
closures came to be investigated, it was found (as
might have been expected) that there was nothing
in them. Several examinations may be seen in the
State Paper Office, taken down in Coke's own hand,
evidently suggested by the information of Franklin,
and aiming to elicit evidence in corroboration of it ;
but they come to nothing whatever, beyond a few
PREFACE. 13
vague rumours and old wives' stories. These papers
sufficiently explain the only thing connected with
Prince Henry's death which ever required explana-
tion, — namely what it was that Coke " knew " about
it. What he said was quite enough to account for all
the rest.
IN
HENEICUM PEINCIPEM WALllM
ELOGIUM FKANCISCI BACONI.i
Henricus primogenitus regis magnae 'Britannige,
princeps Wallige, antea spe beatus, nunc memoria
felix, diem suum obiit 6.° Nov. anno 1612. Is mag-
no totius regni luctu et desiderio extinctus est, utpote
adolescens, qui animos hominum nee ofFendisset nee
satiasset. Excitaverat autem propter bonam indolem
multiplices apud plurimos omnium ordinum spes, nee
ob brevitatem vitae frustraverat. Illud inprimis ac-
cessit, quod in causa religionis firmus vulgo habebatur ;
prudentioribus quoque hoc animo penitus insederat,
adversus insidias conjurationum (cui malo aetas nostra
vix remedium repperit) patri eum instar prsesidii et
scuti fuisse ; adeo ut et religionis et regis apud popu-
lum amor in eum redundaret, et in aestimationem jao-
turae merito annum eraretur.
Erat corpore validus et erectus, statur^ mediocri,
decor^ membrorum compage, incessu regio, facie ob-
longa et in maciem inclinante, habitu plenior, vultu
composite, oculorum motu magis sedato quam forti.
1 Harl. MSS. 1893, fo. 75.
16 IN HENRICUM PEINCIPEM WALLI^ ELOGIUM.
Inerant quoque et in fronte severitatis signa, et in ore
nonnihil fastus. Sed tamen si quis ultra exteriora ilia
penetraverat, et eum obsequio debito et sermone tem-
pestivo deliniverat, utebatur eo benigno et facili, ut
alius longe videretur coUoquio quam aspectu ; talisque
prorsus erat qui faman sui facile excitatet moribus
dissimilem. Laudis et glorise fuit proculdubio appe-
tens, et ad omnem speciem boni et auram decoris com-
movebatur ; quod adolescenti pro virtutibus est. Nam
et arma ei in honore erant ac viri militares ; quin et
ipse quiddam bellicum spirabat ; et magnificentise ope-
rum (licet pecuniae alioquin satis parens) deditus erat ;
amator insuper antiquitatis et artium ; Uteris quoque
plus honoris attribuit quam temporis. In moribus ejus
nihil laudandum magis fuit, quam quod in omni genere
officiorum probe institutus videbatur et congruus. Fil-
ius regi patri mire obsequens, etiam reginam multo
cultu demerebat, erga fratrem indulgens ; sororem vero
unice amabat, quam etiam ore (quantum potuit virilis
forma ad eximiam virginalem pulchritudinem collata)
referebat. Etiam magistri et educatores pueritiae ejus
(quod raro fieri solet) magna in gratia apud eum man-
serant ; sermone ^' vero obsequii idem exactor et me-
mor ; denique in quotidian© vitae genere, et assigna-
tione horarum ad singula vitae munia, magis quam pro
aetate constans atque ordinatus. AfFectus ei inerant non
nimium vehementes, et potius aequales quam magni.
Etenim de rebus amatoriis mirum in ilia aetate silen-
tium, ut prorsus lubricum illud adolescentiae suae tem-
pus in tanta fortuna et valetudine satis prospera absque
aliqua insigni nota amorum transigeret. Nemo repe-
riebatur in aula ejus apud eum praepotens, aut in ani-
1 sermonem in MS.
IN HENKICUM PRINCIPEM WALLIiE ELOGIUM. 17
mo ejus validus ; quin et studia ipsa quibus capiebatur
maxime, potius tempora patiebantur quam excessus, et
magis repetita erant per vices, quam quod extaret ali-
quod unum quod reliqua superaret et compesceret ; sive
ea moderatio fuit, sive in natura non admodum prse-
coci, sed lente ^ maturescente, non cemebantur adhuc
quae prgevalitura erant. Ingenio certe poUebat, erat-
que et curiosus satis et capax ; sed sermone tardior et
tanquam impeditus ; et tamen si quis diligenter obser
vaverat ea quae ab eo proferebantur, sive quaestionis vim
obtinebant sive sententiae, ad rem omnino erant, et
captum non vulgarem arguebant ; ut in ilia loquendi
tarditate et raritate, judicium ejus magis suspensum
videretur et anxium, quam infirmum aut hebes. Inte-
rim audiendi miris modis patiens, etiam in negotiis quae
in longitudinem porrigebantur, idque cum attentione et
sine t^edio ; ut raro animo peregrinaretur, aut fessa
mente aliud ageret, sed ad ea quae dicebantur aut age-
bantur animum adverteret atque applicaret ; quod mag-
nam ei (si vita suppetiisset) prudentiam spondebat.
Certe in illius principis natura plurima erant obscura,
neque judicio cujuspiam patefacienda, sed tempore,
quod ei praereptum est; attamen quae apparebant op-
tima erant, quod famae satis est. Mortuus est aetatis
anno decimo nono, ex febre contumaci, quae ubique a
magnis et (insulanis) fere insolitis siccitatibus ac fervo-
ribus orta, per aestatem populariter grassabatur, sed
raro iunere ; dein sub autumnum erat facta lethalior.
Addidit fama, atrocior (ut ille ait) erga dominantium
exitus, suspicionem veneni. Sed cum nulla ejus rei
extarent indicia, praesertim in ventriculo, quod prae-
cipue a veneno pati solet, is sermo cito evanuit.
1 lento in MS.
VOT,. XTI. 2
MEMOKIAL
OF
HENRY PEINCE OF WALES.
Henry, eldest son of the King of Great Britain,
late of blessed hope, now of happy memory, died on
the 6th of November, 1612. He died to the great
grief and regret of the whole kingdom, as being a
youth who had neither offended men's minds nor sati-
ated them. The goodness of his disposition had awa-
kened manifold hopes among numbers of all ranks, nor
had he lived long enough to disappoint them. More-
over, as among the people generally he had the repu-
tation of being firm in the cause of religion ; so the
wiser sort were deeply impressed with the feeling that
he had been to his father as a guard and shield against
the machinations of conspirators, — a mischief for
which our age has hardly found a remedy ; so that
the love of the people both for religion and for the
King overflowed upon him, and was rightly taken into
account in estimating his loss.
In body he was strong and erect, of middle height,
his limbs gracefully put together, his gait kinglike, his
face long and somewhat lean, his habit rather full, his
20 TEANSLATION OF THE
countenance composed, and the motion of his eyes
rather sedate than powerfuL His forehead bore marks
of severity, his mouth had a touch of pride. And
yet when one penetrated beyond those outworks, and
soothed him with due attention and seasonable dis-
course, one found him gentle and easy to deal with ;
so that he seemed quite another man in conversation
than his aspect promised ; and altogether he was one
who might easily get himself a reputation at variance
with his manners. Of praise and glory he was doubt-
less covetous ; and was stirred with every show of good
and every breath of honour: which in a young man
goes for virtues. For both arms and military men
were in honour with him ; nor was he himself with-
out something of a warlike spirit ; he was given also
to magnificence of works, though otherwise frugal
enough of money ; he was fond of antiquity and arts :
and a favourer of learning, though rather in the hon-
our he paid it than the time he spent upon it. In his
morals there was nothing more to be praised than that
in every kind of duty he seemed to be well trained and
conformable. He was a wonderfully obedient son to
the King his father, very attentive also to the Queen,
kind to his brother ; but his sister he especially loved ;
whom also he resembled in countenance, as far as a
man's face can be compared with that of a very beauti-
fril girl. The masters and tutors of his youth also
(which rarely happens) continued in great favour with
him. In discourse, as he exacted respect from others,
so he observed it himself. And finally in his daily
way of life, and the assignation of several hours for
its several duties, he was constant and regular above
the habit of his years. His passions were not over
IN HENRICUM PRINCIPEM WALLIiE ELOGIUM. 21
vehement, and rather equable than great. For of love
matters there was wonderfully little talk, considering
his age : insomuch that he passed that extremely slip-
pery time of his early manhood, in so great a fortune
and in very good health, without being particularly
noted for any affairs of that kind. There was no one
in his court that had great power with him, or that
possessed a strong hold on his mind. The very pur-
suits in which he took most delight had rather their
times than their excesses ; and were repeated each in
its turn, rather than some one allowed to take the lead
and overrule the rest ; whether that were moderation
and self-restraint, or that in a nature not very preco-
cious, but ripening slowly, it did not yet appear which
would ultimately prevail. In understanding he was
certainly strong, and did not want either curiosity or
capacity. But in speech he was somewhat slow, and
as it were embarrassed ; and yet if you observed dili-
gently the things he said, whether in asking questions
or expressing opinions, they were ever to the point,
and argued no ordinary capacity ; so that his slow and
seldom speaking seemed to come rather from suspense
and solicitude than weakness or dulness of judgment.
In the meantime he was a wonderftilly patient listener,
even in affairs which grew to length, and that atten-
tively, and without growing weary ; so that he seldom
let his thoughts wander or his mind lose its power of
attention, but kept it still fixed and applied to that
which was saying or doing: a habit which promised
great wisdom in him if he had lived. Many points
there were indeed in this prince's nature which were
obscure, and could not be discovered by any man's
judgment, but only by time, which was not allowed
22 TRANSLATION, ETC.
him. Those however which appeared were excellent ;
which is enough for fame. He died in the nineteenth
year of his age of a malignant fever, which — spring-
ing from the great heats and droughts, greater than
islanders are accustomed to, — was very general among
the people during the summer, though few died of it ;
but became towards autumn more fatal. Rumour,
ever more malignant (as Tacitus says) upon the deaths
of princes, suggested poison. But as no symptoms of
such a thing appeared, especially in the stomach which
is commonly most affected by poison, that report soon
died away.
IMAGINES CIVILES
JULII C^SAKIS ET AUGUSTI CJSAEIS.
d
PREFACE.
Of the two following pieces all I know is that Dr.
Rawley says he found them among Bacon's papers,
and understanding that they were praised by men of
great reputation (a laudatissimis viris collaudatas)
printed them together with the last among the Opus-
cula Posthuma in 1658, and inserted English transla-
tions of them in the second edition of the Resuscitatio
in 1661.
The character of Julius Caesar is apparently fin-
ished. With that of Augustus Bacon does not seem
to have proceeded beyond the opening paragraph ;
though Dr. Rawley has printed it as if it were com-
plete ; nor has any one, so far as I know, observed
that it is only a fragment. In other respects they
tell their own story, and do not appear to require any
further explanation.
IMAGO CIVILIS JULII C^ESARIS.
Julius C^sar a principio fortuna exercita usus est,
quod ei in bonum vertit ; hoc enim illi fastum detraxit,
nervos intendit. Animus ei inerat studio et afFectu
turbidus, judicio et intellectu admodum serenus : hoc-
que indicat facilis ilia sui explicatio, turn in rebus
gerendis, turn in sermone. Nemo enim aut celerius
decernebat aut magis perspicue loquebatur : nil im-
peditum, nil involutum quis notaret. Voluntate autem
et appetitu is erat, qui nunquam partis acquiescebat,
sed ad ulteriora semper tendebat: ita tamen ut non
immaturo fastidio, sed legitimis spatiis, transitus actio-
num gubernaret : semper enim perfectissimas clausulas
actionibus imponebat. Itaque ille, qui post tot victo-
rias et tantam partam securitatem, reliquias belli civilis
in Hispania non contempsit, sed praesens subegit, post
extremum illud demum bellum civile confectum et
omnia undique pacata, expeditionem in Parthos con-
tinuo moliebatur. Erat proculdubio summa animi mag-
nitudine, sed ea, quae magis amplitudinem propriam
quam merita in commune spiraret. Prorsus enim
omnia ad se referebat, atque ipse sibi erat fidissimum
omnium actionum suarum centrum : quod maximam
ei et perpetuam fere felicitatem peperit. Non enim
patria, non religio, non officia, non necessitudines, non
28 IMAGO CIVILIS JULII CiESARIS.
amicitiae, destinata ejus remorabantur, vel in ordlnem
redigebant. Nee magnopere versus in setemitatem
erat ; ut qui nee statum rerum stabiliret, nee quicquam
egregium, vel mole vel institute, fundaret vel conderet ;
sed veluti ad se cuncta retulit. Sic etiam ad sua tem-
pera cogitationum fines recepit. Nominis tantum celeb-
ritate frui voluit, quod etiam sua id nonnihil interesse
putaret. Ac in propriis certe votis, magis potentiaB
quam dignitati studebat ; dignitatem enim et famam
non propter se, sed ut instrumenta potentiae, colebat.
Itaque veluti naturali impetu, non morata aliqua disci-
plina ductus, rerum potiri volebat; iisque magis uti
quam dignus videri : quod ei apud populum, cui nulla
inerat dignitas, gratiosum erat ; apud nobiles et pro-
ceres, qui et suam dignitatem retinere volebant, id
obtinuit nomen, ut cupidus et audax videretur. Neque
multum sane a vero aberrarunt, cum natura audacissi-
mus esset, nee verecundiam unquam, nisi ex composite,
indueret. Atque nihilo secius ita ista efficta erat auda-
cia, ut eum nee temeritatis argueret, nee fastidio homi-
nes enecaret, nee naturam ejus suspectam faceret ; sed
ex morum simplicitate quadam et fiducia, ac nobilitate
generis, ortum habuisse putaretur. Atque in caeteris
quoque rebus omnibus id obtinuit, ut minime callidus
aut veterator haberetur, sed apertus et verax. Cum-
que summus simulationis et dissimulationis artifex esset,
totusque ex artibus compositus, ut nihil naturae suae
reliquum esset, nisi quod ars probavisset ; tamen nil ar-
tificii, nil affectationis appareret, sed natura et ingenio
suo frui, eaque sequi existimaretur. Neque tamen
minoribus et vilioribus artificiis et cautelis omnino ob-
noxius erat, quibus homines rerum imperiti et qui non
propriis viribus sed alienis facultatibus subnixi, ad auc-
IMAGO CIVILIS JULII CiESARIS. 29
toritatem suam tuendam uti necesse habent ; utpote
qui omnium actionum humanarum peritissimus esset,
atque cuncta paulo majora ipse per se, non per alios,
transigeret. Invidiam autem extinguere optime norat ;
idque vel dignitatis jactura consequi, non alienum a
rationibus suis duxit ; veramque potentiam amplexus,
omnem illam inanem speciem et tumidum apparatum
potentiae aequo animo per totum fere vitse cursum
declinavit et transmisit : donee tandem, sive satiatus
potentia sive adulationibus corruptus, etiam insignia
potentiae, nomen regium et diadema, concupivit ; quod
in pernicem ejus vertit. Regnare autem jam usque a
juventute meditatus est ; idque ei exemplum Syll^,
affinitas Marii, semulatio Pompeii, corruptelae et per-
turbatio temporum, facile suggerebant. Yiam autem
sibi ad regnum miro ordine sternebat : primum per po-
tentiam popularem et seditiosam, deinde per potentiam
militarem et imperatoriam. Nam initio sibi erant fran-
gendae senatus opes et auctoritas, qua salva nemini ad
immodica et extraordinaria imperia aditus erat. Turn
demum evertenda erat Crassi et Pompeii potentia,
quod nisi armis fieri non poterat. Itaque (ut faber
fortunae suae peritissimus) primam structuram per lar-
gitiones, per judiciorum corruptelas, per renovationem
memoriae C. Marii et partium ejus (cum plerique sena-
torum et nobilium e Syllana factione essent), per leges
agrarias, per seditiosos tribunos quos immittebat, per
Catilinae et conjuratorum insanias quibus occulto favebat,
per exilium Ciceronis, in cujus causa senatus auctoritas
vertebatur, ac complures hujusmodi artes, attollebat et
evehebat : sed maxime omnium per Crassi et Pompeii
et inter se et secum conjunctionem absolvebat. Qua
parte absoluta, ad alteram continuo partem accinge-
30 IMAGO CIVILIS JULII CJISARIS.
batur, factus Proconsul Galliarum in quinquennium,
rursusque in alterum quinquennium, atque armis, le-
gionibus, et bellicosa et opulenta provincia potens, et
Italiae imminens. Neque enim eum latebat, postquam
se armis et militari potentia firmasset, nee Crassum
nee Pompeium sibi parem futurum ; cum alter divitiis,
alter famaB et nomini confideret ; alter aetate, alter
auctoritate senesceret ; neuter veris et vigentibus prse-
sidiis niteretur. Quae omnia ei ex voto cessere ; pras-
sertim cum ipse singulos senatores et magistratus, et
denique omnes qui aliquid poterant, ita privatis bene-
ficiis devinctos et obstrictos haberet, ut securus esset
de aliqua conspiratione vel consensu adversus suos
conatus ineundis, antequam aperte rempublicam in-
vaderet. Quod cum et semper destinasset, et ali-
quando tandem faceret, tamen personam suam non
deponebat ; sed ita se gerebat, ut aequitate postula-
torum, et simulatione pacis, et successibus suis mo-
derandis, invidiam in adversas partes torqueret ; seque
incolumitatis suae gratia ad bellum necessarium coac-
tum prae se ferret. Cujus simulationis vanitas mani-
festo deprehensa est, postquam confectis bellis civilibus
regiam potestatem adeptus, omnibusque aemulis qui
aliquam ei solicitudinem injicere possent e medio sub-
latis, tamen de reddenda republica ne semel quidem
cogitavit, neque hoc saltem fingere aut praetexere dig-
naretur. Quod liquido declarat, cupiditatem et pro-
positum regni adipiscendi ei et semper fuisse, et ad
extremum patuisse. Neque enim occasionem aliquam
arripuit, sed ipse occasiones excitavit et efFonnavit. In
bellicis autem rebus maxime ejus virtus enituit, quae
tantum valuit, ut exercitum non tantum duceret, sed
et effingeret. Neque enim major ei scientia aifuit in
IMAGO CIVILIS JULII C^SARIS. 31
rebus gerendis, quam in animis tractandis : neque id
vulgari aliqua disciplina, quae obsequium assuefaceret
ad mandata, aut pudorem incuteret, aut severitatem
usurparet ; sed quae miris modis ardorem et alacritatem
adderet, et victoriam fere praeriperet ; quaeque militem
erga ipsum plus conciliaret quam liberae reipublicae
conducebat. Cum autem in omni genere belli ver-
satus esset, cumque artes civiles cum bellicis conjun-
geret, nil tam improvisum ei accidebat, ad quod reme-
dium paratum non haberet ; et nil tam adversum, ex
quo non utilitatem aliquam derivaret. Personse autem
suae debitas partes attribuit ; ut qui sedens in praetorio
in magnis praeliis omnia per nuntios administraret. Ex
quo duplicem fructum capiebat ; ut et in discrimen
rarius se committeret, atque ut cum res inclinare coe-
pissent, praelium per ipsius praesentiam, veluti nova
auxilia, instauraretur. In omni autem apparatu et
conatu bellico, non tantum ad exempla res gerebat, sed
nova et accommodata summa ratione comminiscebatur.
Amicitias satis constanter et singulari cum beneficentia
et indulgentia coluit. Amicorum tamen hujusmodi
delectum fecit, ut facile appareret, eum id qua^rere, ut
instrumenti, non impedimenti, loco amicitia eorum es-
set. Cum autem et natura et instituto ferretur ad hoc,
ut non eminens inter magnos, sed imperans inter ob-
sequentes esset, amicos sibi adjunxit humiles sed in-
dustrios, quibus ipse omnia esset. Hinc illud, " Ita
vivente Caesare moriar ; " et castera id genus. Nobi-
lium autem et aequalium suorum amicitias ex usu suo
asciscebat : ex intimis autem neminem fere admittebat,
nisi qui ex se omnia speraret. Quin et literis et doc-
trina mediocriter excultus fuit, sed ea qu£e ad civilem
usum aliquid conferret. Nam et in historia versatus
32 IMAGO CIVILIS JULII C^SARIS.
erat, et verborum pondera et acumlna mire callebat ;
et cum multa felicitati suae tribueret, peritus astrorum
videri voluit. Eloquentia autem ei nativa et pura erat.
In voluptates propensus ac efFusus erat, quod ei apud
initia sua loco simulationis erat ; nemo enim periculum
ab hujusmodi ingenio metuebat. Voluptates autem
suas ita moderabatur, ut nihil utilitati aut negotiorum
summse officerent, et animo potius vigorem quam lan-
guorem tribuerent. In mensa sobrius, circa libidines
incuriosus, in ludis Isetus et magnificus. Talis cum
esset, id ad extremum ei exitio fuit, quod ad principia
sua incremento fuerat ; id est, studium popularitatis.
Nil enim tam populare est quam ignoscere inimicis :
qua sive virtute sive arte ille peri it.
IMAGO CIVILIS AUGUSTI C^SARIS.
AuGUSTO CiESARi, si cui mortalium, magnitudo
animi inerat inturbida, serena, et ordinata : idque
indicant res illae omnium maximae, quas ab ineunte
adolescentia gessit. Nam qui ingenio commotiores
sunt, ii fere adolescentias per varios errores transigunt,
ac sub mediam setatem demum se ostendunt : quibus
autem natura est composita et placida, ii prima etiam
setate florere possunt. Atque cum animi dotes, sicut
et bona corporis, sanitate quadam, pulchritudine, et
viribus contineantur et absolvantur, fuit certe avun-
culo Julio viribus animi impar, pulchritudine et
sanitate superior. Ille enim inquietus et incompos-
itus (ut sunt fere ii qui comitiali morbo tentantur)
se ad fines suos nihilominus summa ratione expedie-
bat; sed ipsos fines minime ordinaverat, sed impetu
infinito, et ultra mortale appetens, ferebatur ad ul-
teriora. Hie autem sobrius, et mortalitatis memor,
etiam fines suos ordine admirabili descriptos et libra-
tos habuisse visus est. Primum enim, rerum potiri
volebat ; deinde id assequi, ut dignus eo fastigio ex-
istimaretur ; dein etiam, frui summa fortuna huma-
num esse ducebat ; ad extremum, addere se rebus, et
imaginem et virtutem sui principatus seculis post se
futuris imprimere et inferre meditabatur. Itaque
prima Eetate Potentise, media Dignitati, vergente Vo-
luptatibus, senectute Memoriae et Posteritati serviebat.
CHARACTER OF JULIUS CiESAR.
Julius C^sar had from the begmning a fortune
full of exercise : which turned to his advantage : for
it took away his pride and braced his sinews. A
mind he had, in desires and affections turbulent, but
in judgment and intellect very serene ; as appears by
the ease with which he delivjered himself both in action
and speech. For no man decided quicker, or spoke
clearer: there was nothing embarrassed, nothing in-
volved about him. But in will and appetite he was
one who never rested in what he had got, but ever
pressed forward to things beyond. And yet he was
not hurried from one action to another by a humour
of weariness, but made the transitions at the just
periods : for he always brought his actions to the most
perfect closes. And therefore he that after winning
so many victories and making himself so secure did
not despise the relics of civil war in Spain, but went in
person to put an end to them ; as soon as ever that last
civil war was concluded and peace established every-
where, immediately set about an expedition against the
Parthians. Greatness of mhid he undoubtedly had in
a very high degree ; yet such as aspired more after
personal aggrandisement than merit towards the pub-
He. For he referred everything to himself, and was
36 TRANSLATION OF THE
himself the true and perfect centre of all his own
actions : which was the cause of his singular and
almost perpetual felicity. For he allowed neither
country, nor religion, nor services, nor kindred, nor
friendships, to be any hindrance or bridle to his pur-
poses. Neither was he much bent upon perpetuity ;
as one who neither established the state of aflPairs, nor
founded or erected anything remarkable either in the
way of building or institution ; but as it were referred
all things to himself. So also he confined his thoughts
within the circle of his own times. Only his name
he wished to make famous ; because he thought he
had himself some interest in that. And assuredly in
his private wishes he cared more for power than repu-
tation. For he sought reputation and fame not for
themselves, but as instruments of power. By natural
impulse therefore, not by any moral guiding, he aspired
to the supreme authority ; and aspired rather to possess
it than to be thought worthy of it : a thing which gave
him favour with the people, who had no dignity of
their own ; but with the nobles and great persons, who
wished also to preserve their own dignity, procured him
the reputation of covetousness and boldness. Wherein
assuredly they were not far from the truth : for he was
by nature extremely bold, and never showed any bash-
fulness except when he assumed it on purpose. And
yet for all that, this boldness was so fashioned as nei-
ther to impeach him of rashness, nor to make him
intolerable, nor to bring his nature into suspicion ; but
was thought to proceed from a simplicity of manners,
and confidence, and the nobility of his birth. And the
same held good in all things else, that he was taken
to be by no means cunning or wily, but frank and
IMAGO CIVILIS JULII CJlSARIS. 37
veracious. And though he was in fact a consummate
master of simulation and dissimulation, and made up
entirely of arts, insomuch that nothing was left to his
nature except what art had approved, nevertheless
there appeared in him nothing of artifice, nothing
of dissimulation ; and it was thought that his nature
and disposition had full play and that he did but
follow the bent of them. Yet for the smaller and
meaner artifices and precautions, to which men un-
skilled in affairs and depending not on their own
strength but on help from without, are driven for the
support of their authority, he was not at all beholden
to these ; as being a man exceedingly expert in all
human actions, and who managed all business of any
consequence for himself, not by others. How to ex-
tinguish envy he knew excellently well ; and thought
it an object worth purchasing even by the sacrifice of
dignity ; and being in quest of real power, he was con-
tent during the whole course of his life to decline and
put by all the empty show and pomp and circumstance
of it : until at last, whether satiated with power or cor-
rupted by flattery, he aspired likewise to the external
emblems thereof, the name of king and the crown ;
which turned to his destruction. The sovereignty was
the mark he aimed at even from his youth ; the exam-
ple of Sylla, the relationship of Marius, the emulation
of Pompey, the corruptions and perturbation of the
times, readily suggesting it to him. But he made him-
self a way to the sovereignty in a strange order ; first
by means of a power popular and seditious, afterwards
by a power military and imperatorial. For at first he
had to break the force and authority of the senate ;
during the maintenance of which no man could find a
38
TKANSLATION OF THE
passage to immoderate and extraordinary commands.
And after that, he had to overthrow the power of
Crassus and Pompey, which could not be done except
by arms. And therefore (as a most skilful carpenter
of his own fortune) he raised the first structure by
means of largesses, corruption of the courts of justice,
revival of the memory of Caius Marius and his party
(most of the senators and nobles being of the Syllan
faction), agrarian laws, putting in of seditious tribunes,
secret favouring of the madnesses of Catiline and his
conspirators, banishment of Cicero, upon whose cause
the authority of the senate turned, and a number of
the like arts ; but most of all by the conjunction of
Crassus and Pompey first with one another and then
with himself, which completed it. Which part of his
design being accomplished, he immediately addressed
himself to the other; obtaining the proconsulship of
Gaul for five years, and then again for another five
years ; and so making himself powerful in arms, le-
gions, and a warlike and opulent province, in a posi-
tion to threaten Italy. For he saw well that as soon
as he had strengthened himself with arms and military
power, neither Crassus nor Pompey would be a match
for him ; seeing that the one trusted to his wealth and
the other to his fame and reputation ; the one waxed
old in years, the other in authority ; neither had sound
and vigorous safeguards to rest upon. All which
things fell out to him according to his desire : the
rather because he had the several senators and magis-
trates, and indeed all persons who had any power, so
obliged and bound to himself by private benefits, that
there was no danger of any combination being formed
to oppose his designs, before he should openly invade
IMAGO CIVILIS JULII C^SARIS.
39
the commonwealth. Which though he had always
intended to do, and at last did, yet he did not put off
his mask ; but so carried himself that, what with the
reasonableness of his demands, what with the pretence
of a desire of peace, what with the moderate use of his
successes, he turned the envy on the other party, and
made it seem that he was driven for his own safety
into a necessary war. The hollowmess of which pre-
tence was clearly proved, when the civil wars being
ended, and he being in possession of the sovereign
power, and all the rivals that could cause him any
anxiety being removed out of the way, yet he never
once thought of restoring the commonwealth, no, nor
cared to make so much as a pretence of doing it.
Which plainly shows that the desire and purpose of
obtaining the sovereignty had always been in him, and
at last came out. For he did not merely seize an occa-
sion that offered itself; himself made and shaped the
occasions. It was in the business of war that his
ability was most conspicuous ; and so great it was, that
he could not only lead an army but make one. For
he was not more skilful in conducting actions than in
the management of men's minds : and that not by any
ordinaiy kind of discipline, that inured them to obey
commands, or awakened a sense of shame, or enforced
by severity ; but one that inspired a wonderful ardour
and alacrity, and won the battle almost before it began :
and endeared him to the soldiery more than was good
for a free commonwealth. Versed as he was moreover
in every kind of war, and uniting civil arts with mili-
tary, no accident took him so unexpectedly but he had
a remedy prepared for it ; nothing fell out so cross, but
he drew some advantage from it. For his own person
40
TRANSLATION OF THE
he had a due respect : as one that would sit in his tent
during great battles, and manage everything by mes-
sages. From which he derived a double advantage :
first that he went seldomer into danger, and secondly
that if ever the fortune of the day were going against
him, his own presence was as good as a fresh reinforce-
ment to restore the battle. And in his warlike ar-
rangements and enterprises he did not conduct things
merely according to precedent, but would invent with
consummate judgment new devices framed to the occa-
sion. In his friendships he was constant enough, and
singularly kind and indulgent. And yet he made
choice of such friends that it was easy to see that he
meant their friendship to be an instrument and not an
impediment. And since his aim both by nature and
principle was not to be eminent among great men, but
to command among followers, he chose for his friends
men that were of mean condition, but industrious and
active, to whom he might be all in all. Hence the
saying " Let me die, so Caesar live," and the like.
With nobles and equals he made friendships according
to his occasions ; but he admitted no man to intimacy
except such whose hopes rested entirely in himself.
In letters and learning he was moderately well accom-
plished, but it was that kind of learning which was of
use in the business of life. For he was well versed in
history, and had wonderful knowledge of the weight
and point of words ; and because he attributed much
to his felicity, he affected to be learned in the stars.
Eloquence he had also, natural and pure. To pleas-
ures he was naturally inclined, and indulged freely in
them ; which in his early times served the purpose of
simulation ; for no one feared any danger from such a
IMAGO CIVILIS JULII CJISARIS. 41
disposition. But he so governed his pleasures, that
they were no hindrance to his interest and main busi-
ness, and his mind was rather invigorated than made
languid by them. At the table he was sober, in his
lusts not particular, in public entertainments gay and
magnificent. Such being the man, the same thing was
his destruction at last which in the beginning was his
advancement, I mean the desire of popularity. For
there is nothing so popular as the forgiveness of ene-
mies : and this it was which, whether it were virtue or
art, cost him his life.
CHARACTER OF AUGUSTUS C^SAR.
Augustus C^sar was endued, if ever man was,
with a greatness of mind, calm, serene, and well-
ordered : witness the exceeding great actions which
he conducted in his early youth. For men of impet-
uous and unsettled dispositions commonly pass their
youth in various errors ; and it is not till middle age
that they show what they are. But those whose na-
ture is composed and placid may flourish even in their
first years. And whereas the gifts of the mind, like
those of the body, are contained and completed in
three things, — health, beauty, and strength, — he
was certainly in strength of mind inferior to his uncle
Julius, but in beauty and health of mind superior.
For Julius being of a restless and unsettled disposi-
tion, though for the compassing of his ends he made
his arrangements with consummate judgment, yet had
not his ends themselves arranged in any good order ;
but was carried on and on with an impulse that knew
no bounds, aiming at things beyond the reach of mor-
tality. Whereas Augustus, as a man sober and mind-
ful of his mortal condition, seems to have had his ends
likewise laid out from the first in admirable order and
truly weio-hed. For first he made it his aim to be at
44 CHARACTER OF AUGUSTUS C^SAR.
the head of affairs : then to become the position and
be esteemed worthy of it ; next he considered it fit
for him, as a man, to enjoy that height of fortune :
and lastly, he thought to apply himself to some real
work, and so transmit to the next ages the impression
of the image and the effects of the virtue of his govern-
ment. In the first period of his life therefore he made
Power his object ; in the middle period. Dignity ; in
his declining years. Pleasures : and in his old age,
Memory and Posterity.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
INSERTED BY BACON IN A MANUSCRIPT COPY OF
CAMDEN'S ANNALS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
(CoTT. Faust. F. viii. ix.)
PREFACE.
The three first books of Camden's Annals of Queen
Elizabeth, extending from the beginning of her reign
to the end of the year 1589, were published by order
of James I. in 1615. The rest he completed soon
after, and lodged a copy of it in the hands of his
friend Petrus Puteanus ; — to be preserved, but not
published till after his death. He died in November
1623 ; and the fourth book (printed, if I understand
the story right, from Puteanus's copy) appeared in
1627. It appears however that a better copy was in
existence ; that after the three first books were pub-
lished, and the fourth copied, Camden had revised
and corrected the whole ; that a fair copy of the three
first (described as " the first part of Mr. Camden's
Elizabetha enlarged for the next impression ") passed
through the representatives of Sir Robert Cotton into
the hands of Dr. Thomas Smith ; and a corrected
copy of the fourth, through what channel we are not
informed, into the hands of Dr. Rawlinson ; ^ and that
1 Both these copies are in the Bodleian Library. The first ( Smith MS.
No. 2.) is a printed copy of the original folio, with the alterations and
additions inserted in Camden's own hand. The second (8vo. Rawlinson,
707.) has the following note on the blank leaf at the beginning: — " This
book belongs to my honoured and learned friend Thos. Rawlinson, Esq.
Tho. Heame, Aug. 25th, 1716." It is a copy of the Elzevir edition, Lugd.
Batav. MDCXXXIX, containing many alterations and additions inserted
between the lines or leaves, in manuscript. They are very clearly written
in a small, firm, regular hand ; whose, I could not learn.
48 PKEFACE.
both of these were ultimately entrusted to Thomj
Hearne, and used in his edition of the entire worl
published in 1717.
In Hearne's edition the differences between Dr^
Rawlinson's MS. and the printed copies are pointed
out in foot-notes, but no further particulars are given.
A considerable number however of the additions and
more material alterations are found in the blank pages
of a copy of the fourth book of Camden's Annales,
which is now in the Cottonian Library (Faustina F.
viii. ix.) ; and are in the hand-writing of Francis
Bacon. I suppose that Camden had lent the MS. to
Bacon to read and criticise ; that Bacon had returned
it with these passages suggested for insertion ; and that
they had been inserted accordingly, either by Camden
himself or by some one to whom the MS. was en-
trusted, in the copy which came into possession of Dr.
Rawlinson.^ At any rate the manner in which they
are entered in the Cottonian MS. sufficiently proves
that they are of Bacon's own composition, and there-
fore have a right to a place in this collection. And
though many of them have but little independent
value, I have thought it better to include them all ;
the rather because the insertion of two or three im-
material words is enough to show that Bacon had read
the passage, and his inserting no more may be taken as
a kind of evidence that he had no material correction
to suggest. A note on the cover in Camden's hand
states that he began to read the MS. over again on the
18th of May, 1620 : but at what time Bacon read it I
know no means of ascertaining.
1 Any one who had access to the Cotton MS. might have made the
alterations in his own copy.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
IN
CAMDEN'S ANNALES
In the opening of the fourth book of his Annales
(Hearne's edition, p. 593.) Camden describes an at-
tempt made by some of the Scotch nobles, at the insti-
gation of Spain, to seize the person of the King, under
pretence of dehvering him from the custody of Chan-
cellor Maitland and the Eno-lish faction. He tells us
that the King received intelligence one day when he
was hunting, that Bothwell was at hand on one side
with troops of borderers, and Huntley approaching on
the other with a strong army from the North : upon
which, 7iil perterr ef actus ^ sed animo et consiUo plane
regio^ (no way dismayed, but with spirit and judgment
truly king-like,) he proclaimed them traitors, mustered
his faithful subjects, and so frustrated the enterprise ;
Bothwell taking at once to flight, and Huntley being
presently reduced to submission.
The words nil perter7'ef actus ^ &c. (Faust. F. viii. fo.
2.) are in Bacon's hand.
J
50 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS IN
In his account of the trial of the Earl of Arundel
(p. 595.) Camden had stated that the Justices assess-
ors (^justiciarii assessores'), being asked by the prisoner
whether an indictment were lawful which contained
errors in the description both of places and times,
declared that those things were not to be regarded, so
the fact were proved (ista minime attendenda esse, modo
factum probetur). For these words Bacon substitutes
(Faust. F. viii. fo. 4.) ista regulariter non attendenda
esse, nisi criminis ipsii^s naturam varient : ' that the rule
was, that such points should not be regarded unless the
nature of the crime itself were affected by them.'
III.
In April 1589, an expedition against Spain was
undertaken by Sir John Norris and Sir Francis Drake,
with the Queen's permission, but not at the public
charge. The Earl of Essex followed soon after, un-
known to the Queen, and joined the fleet. In allusion
to this circumstance Camden had said (p. 602.) that
he committed himself to the sea without the Queen's
knowledge, yea to the incurring of her displeasure ;
for he had no hope to obtain leave of the Queen to
go, who was unwilling that any of the prime nobility
should hazard themselves in this voyage ; (^quce nemi-
nem e primarid nobilitate in hde expeditione periclitari
voluit.')
Instead of this. Bacon suggests (Faust. F. viii. fo.
9.) quce ^ nee ahsentiam aut periculum ejus libenter ad-
1 The words nee enim a Regina veniam abeundi impetrare speravit, quce
are omitted from the text by Hearne ; who prints nee absentiam . . . vellet.
CAMDEN'S ANNALES.
51
missura esset^ et expeditionem ipsam potius a privatorum
alaeritate quam Principis designatione susceptam videri
vellet : ' who would not only have been unwilling to let
Essex himself be absent or in danger, but wished be-
sides that the expedition itself should seem to have
been undertaken rather by the eagerness of private
persons than by appointment of the sovereign.'
IV.
A little further on (p. 604.), where Camden men-
tions the blame which was cast on Sir Francis Drake
for not supporting the land-forces with his fleet, Bacon
adds (Faust. F. viii. fo. 10.) quique militid navali
bonus^ terrestri impar habehatur : ' that Drake was ac-
counted an able commander for naval warfare, but not
equal to warfare by land.'
V.
The same year, after describing the confusions in
France and the conspiracy against the King which
ensued upon the murder of Henry Duke of Guise, the
great head of the Catholic party, Camden proceeds to
say (p. 608.) that hereupon the King was forced to
betake himself to the Protestants whom he had per-
secuted ; and the conspirators resorting to a detestable
crime murdered him by the hands of James Clement,
a monk. (^Adeo ut Rex necessario ad Protestantes quos
exagitaverat eonfageret^ et isti ad detestabile scelus cotit
versi ilium per Jaoobum Clementem monachum parrieidio
as an independent sentence. The correction is inserted in Rawlinson's
copy between the lines, but without any mark to show where it is to come
in : the writer not having attended to the line drawn by Bacon under the
words for which he meant this sentence to be substituted; though the
direction is quite distinct.
52 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS IN
toUerenf) Here Bacon merely inserts in place of et
isti (Faust. F. viii. fo. 13.) the words unde duplicatd
invidid conjurati : ' whereby the conspirators, more en-
raged than ever,' &c.
Hearne suggests in a note that for tollerent we
should read sustulerunt. Rightly, no doubt. The
introduction of Bacon's words alters the construction,
which the transcriber had overlooked. But he is
wrong in retaining the words et isti^ which are not
erased in the corrected volume, but which Bacon has
underlined in the manuscript, clearly meaning that
they should be struck out and his own words substi-
tuted.
VI.
A few lines further on (p. 609.) Camden had said
that the Duke de Mayenne was proclaimed Lieutenant-
General of the Crown of France. Bacon corrects this
(Faust. F. viii. fo. 14.) to status et coronce: 'Lieuten-
ant-General of the State and Crown of France. '
VII.
In 1591, Hacket, a religious madman, was executed
for treason. Having spent his youth in riot and pro-
faneness, and ruined himself by prodigality, Camden
tells us (p. 630.) that he suddenly assumed a character
of admirable sanctity, spent all his time in hearing
sermons and learning the Scriptures, and pretended
heavenly revelations and an extraordinary mission.
Here Bacon inserts (Faust. F. viii. fo. 32.) the fol-
lowing curious passage : Ante omnia vero^ miro et
peregrino quodam fervore preces fundehat^ in faciem
concidens, et veluti extasi correptus et cum Deo quasi ex-
postulans. Attamen unum ex ejus asseclis, cceteris forte
CAMDEN'S ANN ALES.
53
persjncaciorem, abalienavit formuld quddam orationis
quce illi erat familiaris. Nam cum omnes soleant Dei
prcesentiam in invocando implorare^ ille solus Beum
rogare consueverat ut a coetu precantium abesse et se
subtrahere vellet ; quod licet auditores ad excessum quen-
dam humilitatis trahebant, tamen potuit quoque esse vox
plane Satanica, a Dcemone malo qui eum obsidebat die-
tata. 'Above all, he poured forth prayers with a certain
strange and outlandish fervour, falling upon his face,
and rapt as it were in extasy, and like a man expos-
tulating with God. Moreover there was one of his
followers, who, being clearer sighted perhaps than the
rest, forsook him in consequence of a form of speech
which was familiar to him. For whereas all other
men are wont in their invocations to implore God's
presence, he alone used to ask of God that he would
be pleased to absent and withdraw himself from the
assembly of those who prayed : which the hearers im-
puted to excess of humility ; and yet it may have been
the voice of Satan himself, put into Racket's mouth
by the evil spirit that possessed him.'
VIII.
A little further on (p. 632.) where Camden says
that this Hacket liad persuaded himself that God had
ordained him to be King of Europe, Bacon inserts
(Faust. F. viii. fo. 33.) the words homo ex vilissima
foece Anabaptistarum renatus : ' being a man newborn
from the vilest dregs of the Anabaptists.'
IX.
In the next page, Camden describes him as assuming
to be Christ himself, and sending his disciples to pro-
54 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS IN
claim through the city that Jesus Christ was come
with his fan in his hand to judge the worid; and if
any asked where he was, to bring them thither, and if
they would not believe, let them kill him if they could.
To which Bacon adds (Faust. F. viii. fo. 33.) cum
satis gnarus esset nequissimus impostor id neminem
propter legis metum ausurum : ' the wretched impostor
knowing well enough that fear of the law would pre-
vent any man from attempting such a thing.'
In 1593, Queen Elizabeth had to clear herself of
some slanders circulated against her in Germany, as
having excited the Turk to make war upon Christen-
dom. In allusion to these slanders Camden had ob-
served (p. 660.) that she had had no dealings with the
Turk, except for the purpose of enabling her subjects
to trade securely in that empire : on which account
(he adds) she had an agent at Constantinople to nego-
tiate the merchants' affairs at their own expense, as had
also the French King^ the Polonian, the states of Venice
and others. This statement Bacon corrects (Faust.
F. viii. fo. 55.), by saying that she had onlg an agent at
Constantinople, whereas the French, the Polonian, &c.
had ambassadors there : 'quo nomine Agentem tantum^
qui negotia mercatorum ipsorum impensis ageret, Con-
stantinopoli habuit, cum Gallus, Polonus, Respub. Ven-
eta, et alii Legatos ibidem haberenW The words in
italics are inserted by Bacon.
XI.
In the beginning of 1594, Roderigo Lopez, a Portu-
guese, employed by Queen Elizabeth as physician of
CAMDEN'S ANNALES. 55
her liousehold, was tried for a conspiracy (at the insti-
gation of Spain) to poison her. He confessed that he
had been dealt with by the Spaniard for that purpose,
that he had received from an inward counsellor of the
King a rich jewel, had supplied him with intelligence
from time to time, and had promised for 50,000 ducats
to poison her ; but maintained that he never intended
to perform the promise and only meant to cozen the
Spaniard of his money. Camden had represented
him (p. 676.) as stating in his defence that he had
given (dondsse) the jewel to the Queen. For dondsse
Bacon substitutes (Faust. F. viii. fo. 68.) monstrdsse :
' he had shewed it to her;' and adds the following par-
ticulars.
Ad fidem fadendam etiam ed usus est eircumstantid,
qw)d Regince se in syrupo venenum exhibiturum dixisset,
cum satis (ut aiebat^ notum esset Reginam in cura cor-
poris syrupis nunquam usam fuisse, sed ah iis mag-
nopere abhorrere. Verum cum plane liqueret idque ex
confessione proprid^ eum, cum monile illud Regince mon-
strdsset, nullam prorsus veneni mentionem fecisse, sed
tantum per cenigma Reginam interrogdsse annon frau-
dem fraude tanquam laqueum laqueo intercipere liceret^
(jquod tamen ipsum Regina ut prudens et cauta foemina
rejecisset sihique minime placer e respondissef), cumque
insuper testatum esset eum serio de fugd faciendd seque
ad cognatum quendam et gentilem suum Salomonem
Judceum^ qui Constantinopoli hahitahat, et prcedives erat,
conferre deliberdsse, idque in animo hahuisse, impostoris
ei larva detracta est et proditoris merito adhcesit.
'In confirmation of this, he urged this point — that
he had told his employers that he would exhibit the
poison to the Queen in a syrup ; whereas it was well
56 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS IN
known (lie said) that she never used syrups in her
diet, but had an especial dislike to them. But when
it clearly appeared that in shewing that jewel to the
Queen he had made no mention whatever of poison,
but had merely asked her in a dark manner whether
it were lawful to meet deceit with deceit as snare with
snare (by which however the Queen, as a wise and
cautious woman, was not caught, but replied that she
by no means approved of it), and when moreover it
was given in evidence that he had seriously thought of
taking flight and betake himself to a kinsman of his own
race, one Solomon a Jew, who lived at Constantinople
and was very rich, and that he had had a purpose so
to do, his impostor's mask fell off, leaving the traitor's
behind, as was fit.'
XII.
Upon the death of Ferdinand Stanley, Earl of
Derby, in 1594, there arose a suit between his daugh-
ters and liis brother WiUiam who succeeded to the
earldom, for the dominion of the Isle of Man. In
the discussion of the title a flaw was detected by the
Crown Lawyers which enabled them to put in a claim
on behalf of the Queen. But the Queen (says Cam-
den, p. 687.) waived that right, and an agreement
was made between the uncle and his nieces. Here
Bacon inserts (Faust. F. viii. fo. 76.) the words ut
appareret illud potius ad competitores in ordinem redi-
gendos^ quani ad rigorem aliqiiem in medium adductum
fuisse : ' to shew that the claim was put in with a
view of bringing the competitors to reason rather than
of any rigour.'
CAMDEN'S ANNALES. 57
XIII.
In the autumn of 1599, England was alarmed with
rumours of a Spanish fleet approaching, and an army
was hastily levied as in defence of the kingdom. But
there was no such thing. It came to light some year
and a half after, that about that time the Earl of Essex,
then commanding a great army in Ireland and in high
discontent with the Queen, was seriously thinking of
crossing over to Wales with 2000 men, and marching
up to London with such additional forces as would
probably have joined him by the way, and so over-
powering his enemies. Camden seems to have sus-
pected that the rumour of the Spanish fleet had been
got up by the Government in order to provide them-
selves against this danger ; but leaves it doubtful.
" Whether the Queen had any secret intimation of
this (he says) I know not. Certain it is that at that
very time, upon uncertain rumours eagerly credited
of a Spanish fleet prepared, 6000 of the best-trained
infantry were raised at London, of which 3000 were
to guard the Queen's person and the rest to be ready
for all occasions ; while from the countries round about
a more numerous and carefully selected army was sent
for : of which Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham,
Admiral of England, was made commander-in-chief,
with full authority as well against foreign enemies as
domestic rebels. But this army was within a few days
discharged."
Bacon seems to have had less doubt as to the secret
history of this rumour and levy — may indeed have had
positive knowledge of the fact — and proposes (Faust.
F. ix. fo. 33.) to substitute the following passage.
58 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS IN
Atque hoc Regince occulto aliquo indicio innotaisse,
probabile est. Etenim eodem tempore increbuerunt ru-
mores et per totum regimm pervagati sunt (jquales spar-
gi Solent cum Principe volente volitant), adesse classem
Hispanam potentem et optime instructam, ad oras occi-
dentales regni conspectam esse^ neque quam partem pete-
rent certum esse, Itaque delectus acriter ubique habiti,
provincice maritimce armari et in procinctu esse jussce,
nuntii assidue ad aulam missi^ quinetiam exercitus regius
8id) duce Comite Notingamice Admirallo Anglice con-
scriptus. Evulgata etiam fabella quce vel prudentiores
caper e et f oiler e posset. Regent Hispanum^ expeditionis
in Lusitaniam cui idem Essexius adfuerat nx)n oblitum,
cum certior /actus esset tantum exercitum ad motus Hy-
bemicos compescendos apparari sub duce tarn eminenti et
Jlorenti, in suspicionem venisse hcec prcetextu rerum Hy-
bernicarum ad Hispanice partem aliquam invadendam
designata esse., atque idcirco in defensionem regnorum
suorum classem numerosam atque etiam copias terrestres
pardsse. Postquam autem comperisset exercitum revera
in Hibemiam transmissum esse., atque illis rebus implici-
tum ; submonitum a consilio suo, ut cum tantam classem
et copias magnis imjyensis et rerum motu jam collegisset
et paratas haberet, ne eas inutiliter dimitteret^ sed in An-
gliam impressionem faceret, eo magis quod flos militice
Anglicance cum Essexio transportatus esset., et Regina
nihil tale eo tempore expectaret. Hcec omnia eo Jiebant,
ut Essexius., certior f actus regnum in armis esse., ab ali-
quo conatu exercitum Hybemicum in Angliam transpor-
tandi injecto metu desisteret. Attamen hcec Regince
consilia etiam vulgo in su&pidonem venerant et in pejo-
rem partem accipiebantur., ut etiam dicteriis non abstine^
rent, cum dicerent anno octogesimx) octavo ah Hispania
CAMDEN'S ANNALES. 59
appuU%se classem illam invincihilem^ at hoc anno alteram
classem invisihilem^^ atque mussarent^ si hijmmodi ludi
florales a cohmUo Anglice ineunte Maio celebrati fidssenty
magis congruum existiniari potuisse; verum ut pleba a
7nesse sua avoearetiir (erat enim adultus Autumnu%)
nimis serias ineptias esse,
' And it is probable that the Queen had some secret
intimation of this design. For just at that time there
grew up rumours (such as are commonly spread when
the sovereign is willing they should circulate) and
went abroad all over the land, that a miMitv and well
appohited Spanisli fleet was at hand, that it had been
seen on the western coast, and was doubtful for what
part it was designed. Thereupon musters were dili-
gently held on all sides, the coast counties were or-
dered to arm themselves and be in readiness, couriers
Avere sent continually to the court, nay a royal army,
under command of the Earl of Nottingham, Admiml
of England, was levied. Moreover a tjile was given out
by which even the wiser sort might well be taken in :
viz. that the King of Spain, who had not forgotten the
voyage to Portugal in which the same Essex had been
engaged, when he was infonned that so great an ai'my
had been set forth to suppress the Irish rebelHon, under
so eminent and prosperous a commander, fell into a
suspicion that it was designed, under pretext of Irish
matters, to invade some part of Spain : and therefore
got together a numerous fleet and also land forces for
the defence of his own dominions : but that when he
found that the army was in truth sent over into Ireland
1 The words at hoc — invisibUem are omitted in Hearne's edition, p. 795.,
having been omitted by the transcriber of the corrections in Rawlinson's
cop3'.
60 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS IN
and occupied with the work there, he was advised by
his council, seeing that he had gathered together such a
fleet and force with great charge and trouble and had
them ready, not to discharge them without doing some
service ; but to strike a blow at England ; the rather
because the flower of the English army had been sent
over with Essex, and the Queen expected nothing
of the kind at that time. Now all this was done to
the end that Essex, hearing that the kingdom Avas in
arms, might be deterred from any attempt to bring the
Irish army over into England. And yet these devices
of the Queen were even by the common people sus-
pected and taken in bad part ; insomuch that they
forbore not from scoffs, saying that in the year '88
Spain had sent an Invincible Armada against us and
now she had sent an Invisible Armada ; and muttering
that if the council had celebrated this kind of May-
game in the beginning of May, it might have been
thought more suitable, but to call the people away
from the harvest for it (for it was now full autumn)
was too serious a jest.'
The substance of this story is given by Fuller in
his Church History (ix. 41.) on the authority of
Camden's MS. Life of Queen Elizabeth, which it
seems he had seen. It is the more worthy of no-
tice because any one collecting the history of the
time from the documents now remaining in the State
Paper Office might easily conclude that the danger,
or at least the alarm, was a real one. For though
the occasion was pretended the preparations were in
earnest.
Fuller makes a remark upon the last sentence, which
is strange for a man of his judgment. " My author
CAMDEN'S ANN ALES. 61
addeth (he says) that people affirmed that such May-
games had been fitter in the spring (when sports were
used amongst the Romans to Flora) and not in the
autumn when people were seriously employed to fetch
in the fruits of the earth. But by his leave, these ex-
pressions flow from critics^ and fly far above the capa-
cities of country men.^^ Here Fuller seems to have
been deceived by his own learning, and to have for
gotten that the May-game was an incident of spring
in England as well as at Rome. The incongruity of
May-games (liidi florales means no more) in harvest
time, must have been intelligible enough to any Eng-
lishman.
XIV.
The only remaining additions or coiTections which 1
find in Bacon's hand occur in the trial of the Earl of
Essex for treason in February 1600-1. They are few
and slight, but sufficient to shew that he had read that
part of the history with care. As it stands in Hearne's
edition, in which these corrections are introduced, it
may be regarded as having in a manner received his
sanction.
1.
Camden had represented Bacon himself (p. 853.) as
saying at the trial (in answer to Essex's assertion that
the violence of Cobham, Cecil, and Raleigh had driven
him to take up arms in necessary self-defence) that
Cobham, Cecil, and Raleigh were such sincere honest
men, and had such large estates (^adeo sincere prohos
esse^ et ah opihus instructos'), that they would never
overthrow their estates and hopes by committing such
62 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS IN
a crime. For the words adeo sineere probos, ^c. Bacon
substitutes (Faust. F. ix. fo. 82.) tales esse et animo et
fortunis: 'were of such a condition both in mind and in
fortunes, that they would never' &c. Which agrees
with the summary of the argument as given in the
Declaration of Treasons. " Then it was shewed how
improbable it was, considering that my Lord Cobham
and Sir Walter Raleigh were men whose estates were
better settled and established than to overthrow their
fortunes by such a crime."
2.
In the next sentence Camden had represented him
as observing that the fictions put forward by Essex of
a plot against his life, fell to the ground by reason of
their inconsistency and variety — inasmuch as Essex,
not keeping to one story, cried out at one time that he
was to have been murdered in his bed, at another in a
boat, at another by the Jesuits ; and likewise by the
vanity of them (neenon e vanitate'), since he exclaimed
that the kingdom of England was to have been sold to
the Spaniard. For neenon e vanitate, cum exclamaret
^c. Bacon substitutes Quinetiam subinde exclamaret
Sj-c. (nay and he cried out presently after &c.) His
argument, as represented both in the contemporary
reports of the trial and in the Declaration, was not that
the story about the kingdom being to be sold to the
Spaniard was so vain a fiction as to shake the credit of
the whole plea (the vanity of it was proved by other
evidence), but that it was irrelevant to the point in
question, which was the taking up arms in self-defence
against private enemies.
I
CAMDEN'S ANNALES. 63
3.
Camden had represented him as adding, that it was
a famihar thing to traitors (^proditorihus) to strike at
princes not directly but through the sides of their min-
isters. For proditorihus Bacon substitutes defectionem
et rebellionem tentantibus : 'attempters of revolt and
rebellion.*
4.
In the next sentence, Camden had represented him
as taxing Essex with deep dissimulation, as if he had
put on the mask of piety ; and likening him to Pisis-
tratus of Athens, who had gashed his body, &c. (JEs-
sexium profundce dissimulationis arguit, quasi pietatis
larvam induerat : et JPisistrato Atheniensi assimilate qui
corpus ^c.) For this Bacon substitutes Essexii factum
profundce dissimulationis arguit, quale fuit illud Pisis-
trati Atheniensis, qui corpus ^ c. ' He taxes the action of
Essex with deep dissimulation ; comparing it to that of
Pisistratus,' &c. There is nothing about the " mask
of piety " either in the report or in the Declaration.
Such an imputation would indeed have been quite from
the purpose ; for Pisistratus's object was not to gain a
reputation for piety, but to make people think that he
was in danger of his life. The report of the trial says,
" I cannot resemble your proceedings more rightly than
to one Pisistratus," &c. And in the Declaration, the
substance of the argument is thus given, " It was said
.... that this action of his resembled the action of
Pisistratus of Athens, that proceeded so far in this
kind of fiction and dissimulation, as he lanced his own
body, &c."
64 ADDITIONS AND COERECTIONS IN
5.
At a later stage of the trial, Essex argued that if he
had meant anything else than his own defence against
private persons, he would not have gone forth with so
small a force and so slightly armed. To which (Cam-
den had added, p. 856.) Bacon replied, " This was
cunningly done of you, who placed all your hope in the
citizens' arms, expecting them to arm both yourself and
your party and to take arms in your behalf; imitating
herein the Duke of Guise, &c. Qvafre hoc a te factum^
qui in civium armis spent totam defixisti, ut te tuosque
armarent et pro te arma capei^ent ; imitatus in hoc Griii-
sium, qui Lutetiam ^c.) For this Bacon substitutes
(in accordance, as before, with the contemporary re-
ports and with the Declaration) " Cui Baconus : at in
hoc imitatus es recens exemplum Gruisii, qui Lutetiam
non ita pridcm cum pauculis ingressus, cives nihilominus
ad arma ita concitavit ut Regem urbe exturbaret."
'But in this you imitated the recent example of the
Duke of Guise, who, no long time since, though he
entered Paris with a small company, yet he roused the
citizens to take up arms, in such sort that the King was
obliged to fly the city.' The words in italic are inserted
in Bacon's hand.
In Hearne's edition nihilominus is inserted after
Lutetiam ; which is wrong. When I examined the
volume in the Bodleian Library into which these cor-
rections have been transcribed, I neglected to observe
whether the same mistake occurs there. But as that
volume was printed after Camden's death, and the cor-
rections may all have been made from the Cotton MS.,
we are so far without evidence that they had received
CAMDEN'S ANN ALES. 65
Camden's own sanction. That they were derived from
a fair copy in which they had been incorporated under
his superintendence, seems to me improbable, consider-
ing the nature of the errors into which the transcriber
has fallen (see above, pp. 50, 52, 59.) ; all of which
materially injure the sense and construction.
ESSAYS OR COUNSELS
CIVIL AND MORAL.
PEEFACE.
Among the innumerable editions of Bacon's Essays
that have been pubHshed, there are only four which, as
authorities for the text, have any original or indepen-
dent value ; namely those published by Bacon himself
in 1597, in 1612, and in 1625 ; and the Latin version
published by Dr. Rawley in 1638. The rest are
merely reprints of one or other of these.
The edition of 1597 contained ten essays, together
with the Meditationes Sacrce^ and the Colours of Good
and Evil. That of 1612, a small volume in 8vo. con-
tained essays only ; but the number was increased to
thirty-eight, of which twenty-nine were quite new, and
all the rest more or less corrected and enlarged. That
of 1625, a 4to. and one of the latest of Bacon's publi-
cations, contained fifty-eight essays, of which twenty
were new, and most of the rest altered and enlarged.
The gradual growth of this volume, containing as it
does the earliest and the latest fruits of Bacon's obser-
vation in that field in which its value has been most
approved by universal and undiminished popularity,
is a matter of considerable interest ; and as the suc-
cessive changes are not such as could be represented
by a general description or conveniently specified in
foot-notes, I have thought it best to reprint the two
70 PREFACE.
first editions entire, and add them in an appendix.
Considering also that, although it has been thought
expedient throughout the text of this edition of Bacon's
works to modernize the spelling, it may nevertheless be
convenient to the reader to have a specimen of the
orthography of Bacon's time, I have taken this oppor-
tunity of giving one ; and preserved the original spell-
ing throughout both these reprints.
I have also been able to supply from a manuscript in
the British Museum evidence of another stage in the
growth of this volume, intermediate between the edi-
tions of 1597 and 1612 ; of which manuscript, in
connexion with the reprint of the latter, a complete
account will be given.
The text of the Essays is taken of course from the
edition of 1625 ; a correct representation of which is
nearly all that a modern reader requires. The only
points in which the audience to which they now ad-
dress themselves stands in a diflPerent position towards
them from that to which they were originally ad-
dressed, appear to be, — first, knowledge of Latin,
which is probably a less general accomplishment
among the readers of books now than it was then ;
and secondly, familiarity with the ordinary language
of that day, in which some expressions have worn out
of use with time, and some have acquired new mean-
ings. To meet these changes, I have in the first place
translated the Latin quotations, in the same manner
and upon the same principle which I have explained
at length in my preface to the Advancement of Learn-
ing (Vol. VI. of this edition) ; and in the second place,
I have added an explanatory note wherever I have ob-
served any expression which a modern reader is likely
PREFACE. 71
to misunderstand or not to understand. But I have
not attempted to develop allusions, or to canvass his-
torical statements, or to point out inaccuracies of
quotation, where the difference does not affect the
argument, — still less to entertain the reader with dis-
courses of my own ; conceiving that the worth of
writings of this kind depends in great part upon the
rejection of superfluities, and that an annotator who is
too diligent in producing all that he can find to say
about his text runs a great risk of merely encumbering
the reader with the very matter from which it was the
author's labour to disembarrass him. I have even had
my doubts whether in writings which remain as fi'esh
as these, the very insertion of references to passages
quoted be not an unwelcome interruption and an un-
warrantable liberty. When a modem writer intro-
duces, for ornament or illustration or impression, a
line from Virgil or Milton, he never thinks of adding
a reference to the book and verse ; and I suppose that
Mr. Singer would not look upon an asterisk and a foot-
note, with Hor. Carm. I. 12. 45., as any improvement
to the elegant motto which occupies the blank page
fronting the title of his very elegant edition of these
Essays. Bacon's philosophical works stand in many
respects in a different position. Their value is in great
part historical and antiquarian. They no longer speak
to us as to contemporaries. To understand their just
import, we must be carried back to the time, and it is
of importance to know what books were then in esti-
mation and what authors were familiarly appealed to,
and carried weight as vouchers. The Essays, on the
contrary, have for us precisely the same sort of interest
which they had for the generation to which they were
72 PREFACE.
immediately addressed ; they " come home to men's
business and bosoms " just in the same way ; they ap-
peal to the same kind of experience ; the allusions and
citations are still familiar, and produce the same kind
of impression on the imagination. So that I do not
see why the reason which induced Bacon to cite an
ancient saying, a tradition of the poets, an observation
of one of the fathers, or a sentence from some classical
writer, without specifying the volume and page where
he found it, should not still be held a reason for leaving
them to produce the effect which he intended, unin-
cumbered with a piece of information which I suppose
he thought superfluous or inconvenient.
The Latin translation of the Essays, published by
Dr. Rawley in 1638 among the Opera Moralia et Oivi-
lia, under the weightier ^ title of Sermones Fideles sive
Interiora Rerum^ has (as I said) an original and inde-
pendent value. Whether any of them were actually
translated by Bacon himself, or how far he superin-
tended the work, it seems impossible to know. Mr.
Singer indeed represents them, on the authority of the
title,2 as having been put into Latin by Bacon himself
prceterquam in paucis : " but the words which he
quotes occur in the title not of the Sermones Fideles,
but of the whole volume, which contains four other
works ; the Sermones Fideles forming less than a fourth
of the whole : so that for any thing these words imply
1 Deinde sequetur libellus ille quern vestra lingua Saggi Morali appel-
lastis. Verum illi libro nomen gravius impono: scilicet ut inscribatur
Sermones Fideles, sive Interiora Rerum. — Bacon's Letter to Fulgentio.
2 " In the year 1638, Dr. Rawley, who had been Bacon's chaplain, pub-
lished a folio volume, containing, amongst other works in Latin, a transla-
tion of the Essays, under the title of ' Sermones Fideles, ab ipso Honoratis-
simo Auctore, praeterquam in paucis, Latinitate donati.' " — Pref. p. xvi.
PREFACE. 73
they may themselves have been among the things ex-
cepted.^ As it is certain however that Bacon himself
regarded the Latin version as that in which they were
to live, we may be sure that he took care to have it
properly done : only as it was not published till twelve
years after his death, we cannot be sure that it was all
finished before he died. Several hands are said to have
been employed in the work, and in the absence of all
specific information, it is not improbable that there
are parts of it which he did not live to see completed.
Taken with this caution however, the Latin translation
must be accepted as a work of authority, and in one
respect of superior authority to the original, because of
later date. I have therefore treated it in the same way
as the translation of the history of Henry the Seventh ;
see Vol. XL p. 19.
I am not aware that any such value belongs to any
of tlie translations into modern languages. An Italian
translation of the Essays and the De Sapientia Vete-
rum published in London in 1618, with a dedicatory
letter from Tobie Matthew to Cosmo de' Medici, may
be presumed to have been made with Bacon's sanction ;
both because Matthew was so intimate a friend, and
because it includes one essay which had not then been
published,^ as well as a large extract from the letter to
1 Francisci Baconi operum moralium et civilium tomus.
Historiam Eegni Hen rid Septimi Regis Anglice.
Sermones Fideles, sive InteHora Rerum.
Tractatum de Sapientia Veterum.
Diahgum de Belh Sacro.
^ Et Novam Atlantidem.
Ab ipso Honoratissimo Auctore, praeterquam in paucis, Latinitate do-
riatus.
2 Mr. Singer says two: but one of those he quotes, — the Essay "Of
Honour and Reputation," — will be found in the edition of 1597.
Qui con-
tinet
T4 PREFACE.
Prince Henry which Bacon had intended to prefix to
the edition of 1612, but was prevented by his death.
But there is no reason to suppose that Bacon had any-
thing more to do with it. It is true that Andrea CioH,
who by Cosmo's direction brought out a new and re-
vised edition of this volume at Florence in 1619, seems
at first sight to speak of the translation as if it were
Bacon's own composition — (ma non ho gia voluto alte-
rare alcuna di quelle parole, che forse nella lingua
nostra non appariscono interamente proprie del senso,
a che sono state in detta Opera destinate, per non torre
all ' Autore la gloria^ che merita di ha/vere cod hen saputo
esprimere i suoi Concetti in Idioma altretanto diverso
dal suo, quanto d lontana da questa nostra la sua Re-
gione ;) — but the supposition is hardly reconcilable
with the words of Matthew's dedicatory letter (non
puo mancar la scusa h chi s' ^. ingegnato tradur li con-
cetti di questo Autore, &c.) ; and in the absence of all
other evidence is too improbable to be believed. Nor
do Cioli's words necessarily imply more than that the
translator was an Englishman. That the translation
was not the work of an Italian, — and therefore not
(according to Mr. Singer's conjecture) by Father Ful-
gentio, — they afford evidence which may be considered
conclusive.
THE
ESSAYES OR COUJSTSELS,
CIYILL AND MORALL,
OP
FRANCIS LO. VERULAM, VISCOUNT ST. ALBAN.
NEWLY ENLARGED.
LONDON:
Printed by John Haviland, for Hanna Barrett and Richard Whitaker,
And are to be sold at the sign of the King's Head, in
Paul's Churchyard.
1625.
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
To the Right Honourable my very good Lo. the Duke
of Buckingham his Grace, Lo. High Admiral of
England.
Excellent Lo.
Salomon says, A good name is as a precious ointment ;
and I assure myself, such will your Grace's name be
with posterity. For your fortune and merit both have
been eminent. And you have planted things that are
like to last. I do now publish my Essays ; which, of
all my other works have been most current ; for that,
as it seems, they come home to men's business and
bosoms. I have enlarged them both in number and
weight ; so that they are indeed a new work. I
thought it therefore agreeable to my affection and
obligation to your Grace, to prefix your name before
them, both in English and in Latin.^ For I do con-
ceive that the Latin volume of them (being in the
universal language) may last as long as books last.
My Instauration I dedicated to the King ; my History
of Henry the Seventh (which I have now also trans-
1 Tarn in editione Anglicd, quam in Latind.
78
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
lated into Latin), and my portions of Natural History,
to the Prince ; and these I dedicate to your Grace ;
being of the best fruits that by the good encrease
which God gives to my pen and labours I could yield.
God lead your Grace by the hand.
Your Grace's most obliged and
faithful seruant,
FR. St. ALBAN.
THE TABLE
1.
Of Truth.
24.
Of Innovations.
2.
Of Death.
25.
Of Dispatch.
3.
Of Unity in Religion.
26.
Of Seeming Wise.
4.
Of Revenge.
27.
Of Friendship.
5.
Of Adversity.
28.
Of Expense.
6.
Of Simulation and Dissim-
29.
Of the True Greatness of
ulation.
Kingdoms and Estates.
7.
Of Parents and Children.
30.
Of Regiment of Health.
8.
Of Marriage and Single
3L
Of Suspicion.
Life.
32.
Of Discourse.
9.
Of Envy.
33.
Of Plantations.
10.
Of Love.
34.
Of Riches.
11.
Of Great Place.
35.
Of Prophecies.
12.
Of Boldness.
36.
Of Ambition.
13.
Of Goodness, and Goodness
37.
Of Masks and Triumphs.
of Nature.
38.
Of Nature in Men.
14.
Of Nobility.
39.
Of Custom and Education.
15.
Of Seditions and Troubles.
40.
Of Fortune.
16.
Of Atheism.
41.
Of Usury.
17.
Of Superstition.
42.
Of Youth and Age. -
18.
Of Travel.
43.
Of Beauty.
19.
Of Empire.
44.
Of Deformity.
20.
Of Counsel.
45.
Of Building.
21.
Of Delays.
46.
Of Gardens.
22.
Of Cunning.
47.
Of Negotiating.
23.
Of Wisdom for a Man's
48.
Of Followers and Friends.
self.
49.
Of Suitors.
80 THE TABLE.
50. Of Studies. 54. Of Vain Glory.
51. Of Faction. 55. Of Honour and Reputation.
52. Of Ceremonies and R&- 56. Of Judicature.
spects. 57. Of Anger.
53. Of Praise. 58. Of Vicissitude of Things.
ESSAYS OR COUNSELS
CIVIL AND MORAL.
I. Of Truth,
WHAT is Truth f said jesting Pilate; and would
not stay for an answer. Certainly there be that
delight in giddiness,^ and count it a bondage to fix a
belief; affecting free-will in thinking, as well as in act-
ing. And though the sects of philosophers of that
kind be gone, yet there remain certain discoursing
wits 2 which are of the same veins, though there be
not so much blood in them as was in those of the an-
cients. But it is not only the difficulty and labour
which men take in finding out of truth ; nor again that
when it is found it imposeth upon men's thoughts ; ^
that doth bring lies in favour ; but a natural though
corrupt love of the lie itself. One of the later school
of the Grecians examineth the matter, and is at a stand
to think what should be in it, that men should love
lies, where neither they make for pleasure, as with
poets, nor for advantage, as with the merchant ; but
1 Cogitationum vertigine.
2 ingenia qucedam ventosa et discursantia.
nee quce ex ed inventd cogitationibus imponitur captimtas.
82 OF TRUTH.
for the lie's sake. But I cannot tell : this same truth
is a naked and open day-light, that doth not shew the
masks and mummeries and triumphs of the world, half
so stately and daintily as candle-lights. Truth may
perhaps come to the price of a pearl, that sheweth best
by day ; but it will not rise to the price of a diamond
or carbuncle, that sheweth best in varied lights. A
mixture of a lie doth ever add pleasure. Doth any
man doubt, that if there were taken out of men's
minds vain opinions, flattering hopes, false valuations,
imaginations as one would, and the like, but it would
leave the minds of a number of men poor shrunken
things, full of melancholy and indisposition, and un-
pleasing to themselves ? One of the Fathers, in great
severity, called poesy vinum dcemonum [devil's-wine] ,
because it filleth the imagination ; and yet it is but
with the shadow of a lie. But it is not the he that
passeth through the mind, but the lie that sinketh in
and settleth in it, that doth the hurt ; such as we spake
of before. But howsoever these thing-s are thus in
men's depraved judgments and affections, yet truth,
which only doth judge itself, teacheth that the inquiry
of truth, which is the love-making or wooing of it, the
knowledge of truth, which is the presence of it, and
the belief of truth, which is the enjoying of it, is the
sovereign good of human nature. The first creature
of God, in the works of the days, was the light of the
sense ; the last was the light of reason ; and his sab-
bath work ever since, is the illumination of his Spirit.
First he breathed light upon the face of the matter or
chaos ; then he breathed light into the face of man ;
and still he breatheth and inspireth light into the face
of his chosen. The poet that beautified the sect that
OF TKUTH.
83
was otherwise inferior to the rest,^ saith yet excellently
well : It is a pleasure to stand upon the shore, and to
see ships tossed upon the sea ; a pleasure to stand in the
window of a castle, and to see a battle and the adventures
thereof below : but no pleasure is comparable to the stand-
ing upon the vantage ground of Truth, (a hill not to be
commanded, and where the air is always clear and
serene,) and to see the errors, and wanderings, and
mists, and tempests, in the vale below ; so always that
this prospect be with pity, and not with swelling or
pride. Certainly, it is heaven upon earth, to have a
man's mind move in charity, rest in providence, and
turn upon the poles of truth.
To pass from theological and philosophical truth, to
the truth ^ of civil business ; it will be acknowledged
even by those that practise it not, that clear and round
dealing ^ is the honour of man's nature ; and that mix-
ture of falsehood is like allay in coin of gold and silver,
which may make the metal work the better, but it
embaseth it. For these winding; and crooked courses
are the goings of the serpent ; which goeth basely upon
the belly, and not upon the feet. There is no vice that
doth so cover a man with shame as to be found false
and perfidious. And therefore Montaigne saith pret-
tily, when he inquired the reason, why the word of
the lie should be such a disgrace and such an odious
charge ? Saith he. If it be well weighed, to sag that a
man lieth, is as much to sag, as that he is brave towards
God and a coward towards men.^ For a lie faces God,
1 Lucretius. See the beginning of the second book.
2 veritatem aut potius veracitatem.
^ apertam et minime fucatam in negotiis gerendis rationem.
4 Essais, II. 18. Compare Plutarch, Lysand. c. 8 : 6 yap opKO) irapa-
Kpovofievog, tov fiev kx&pdv 6fio?ioyel dediivai, rov de ■&tov Karaippovdv.
84 OF DEATH.
and shrinks from man. Surely the wickedness of false-
hood and breach of faith cannot possibly be so highly
expressed, as in that it shall be the last peal to call the
judgments of God upon the generations of men ; it
being foretold, that when Christ cometh, he shall not
find faith upon the earth.
II. Or Death.
Men fear Death, as children fear to go in the dark ;
and as that natural fear in children is increased with
tales, so is the other. Certainly, the contemplation of
death, as the wages of sin and passage to another world,
is holy and religious ; but the fear of it, as a tribute
due unto nature, is weak. Yet in religious meditations
there is sometimes mixture of vanity and of supersti-
tion. You shall read in some of the friars' books of
mortification, that a man should think with himself
what the pain is if he have but his finger's end pressed
or tortured, and thereby imagine what the pains of
death are, when the whole body is corrupted and dis-
solved ; when many times death passeth with less pain
than the torture of a limb : for the most vital parts are
not the quickest of sense. And by him that spake
only as a philosopher and natural man, it was well
said, Pompa mortis magis terret^ quam mors ipsa : ^ [it
is the accompaniments of death that are frightful rather
than death itself.] Groans and convulsions, and a dis-
coloured face, and friends weeping, and blacks, and ob-
1 Seneca, Ep. 24. Tolle istam pompam sub qua lates et stultos territas :
mors es, quern nuper servus meus, quern ancilla contempsit. See the rest
of the passage, and my note on Rawley's Life of Bacon, Vol. I. p. 13. n. 1.
OF DEATH. 85
sequies, and the like, shew death terrible. It is worthy
the observing, that there is no passion in the mind
of man so weak, but it mates and masters the fear of
death ; and therefore death is no such terrible enemy
when a man hath so many attendants about him that
can win the combat of him. Revenge triumphs over
death ; Love slights it ; Honour aspireth to it ; Grief
flieth to it ; ^ Fear pre-occupateth it ; nay we read, after
Otho the emperor had slain himself, Pity (which is the
tenderest of affections) provoked many to die, out of
mere compassion to their sovereign, and as the truest
sort of followers. Nay Seneca adds niceness and sa-
tiety : Cogita quamdiu eadcm feceris ; mori velle^ non
tantum fortis, aut miser, sed etiam fastidiosus potest
A man would die, though he were neither vahant nor
miserable, only upon a weariness to do the same thing
so oft over and over. It is no less worthy to observe,
how little alteration in good spirits the approaches of
death make ; for they appear to be the same men till
the last instant. Augustus Caesar died in a compli-
ment ; lAvia, conjugii nostri memor, vive et vale : [fare-
well, Livia ; and forget not the days of our marriage.]
Tiberius in dissimulation ; as Tacitus saith of him. Jam
Tiherium vires et corpus, non dissimulatio, deserehant :
[his powers of body were gone, but his power of dis-
simulation still remained.] Vespasian in a jest ; sitting
upon the stool, Ut puto Deus fio : [I think I am becom-
ing a god.] Galba with a sentence ; Feri, si ex re sit
populi Romani : [strike, if it be for the good of Rome ;]
holding forth his neck. Septimius Severus in despatch ;
1 The translation adds, metus ignominice eligit : a sentence which is also
found in the edition of 1612, — "Delivery from ignominy chooseth it;"
omitted here probably by accident.
86
OF UNITY IN RELIGION.
Adeste si quid mild restat agendum : [make haste, if
there is anything more for me to do.] And the hke.
Certainly the Stoics bestowed too much cost upon
death, and by their great preparations made it appear
more fearful. Better saith he, qui finem vitce extremum
inter munera ponat naturce : [who accounts the close
of life as one of the benefits of nature.] It is as nat-
ural to die as to be born ; and to a little infant, per-
haps, the one is as painful as the other. He that dies
in an earnest pursuit, is like one that is wounded in hot
blood ; who, for the time, scarce feels the hurt ; and
therefore a mind fixed and bent upon somewhat that is
good doth avert the dolours of death. But above all,
believe it, the sweetest canticle is, JVunc dimittis ; when
a man hath obtained worthy ends and expectations.
Death hath this also ; that it openeth the gate to good
fame, and extinguisheth envy. Extinctus amahitur
idem : [the same man that was envied while he lived,
shall be loved when he is gone].
III. Of Unity in Religion.
Religion being the chief band of human society, it
is a happy thing when itself is well contained within
the true band of Unity. The quarrels and divisions
about religion were evils unknown to the heathen.
The reason was, because the religion of the heathen
consisted rather in rites and ceremonies, than in any
constant belief. For you may imagine what kind of
faith theirs was, when the chief doctors and fathers of
their church were the poets. But the true God hath
this attribute, that he is a jealous God ; and therefore
OF UNITY IN KELIGION. 87
his worship and religion will endure no mixture nor
partner. We shall therefore speak a few words con-
cerning the Unity of the Church ; what are the Fruits
thereof; what the Bounds; and what the Means.
The Fruits of Unity (next unto the well pleasing
of God, which is all in all) are two ; the one towards
those that are without the church, the other towards
those that are within. For the former ; it is certain
that heresies and schisms are of all others the greatest
scandals ; yea, more than corruption of manners. For
as in the natural body a wound or solution of continuity
is worse than a corrupt humour ; so in the spiritual.
So that nothing doth so much keep men out of the
church, and drive men out of the church, as breach of
unity. And therefore, whensoever it cometh to that
pass, that one saith Ecne in deserto^ another saith Ucce
in penetralibus ; that is, when some men seek Christ in
the conventicles of heretics, and others in an outward
face of a church, that voice had need continually to
sound in men's ears, Nolite exire, — Gfo not out. The
Doctor of the Gentiles (the propriety of whose voca-
tion drew him to have a special care of those without)
saith. If an heathen come in, and hear you sjjeak ivith
several tongues, will he not say that you are mad ? And
certainly it is little better, when atheists and profane
persons do hear of so many discordant and contrary
opinions in religion ; it doth avert them from the
church, and maketh them to sit down in the chair of the
scorners. It is but a light thing to be vouched in
so serious a matter, but yet it expresseth well the de-
formity. There is a master of scoffing, that in his
catalogue of books of a feigned library sets down this
title of a book, The morris-dance of Heretics. For in-
88 OF UNITY IN KELIGION.
deed every sect of them hath a diverse posture or
cringe by themselves, which camiot but move derision
in worldUngs and depraved pohtics, who are apt to
contemn holy things.
As for the fruit towards those that are within ; it is
peace ; which containeth infinite blessings. It estab-
lisheth faith. It kindleth charity. The outward peace
of the church distilleth into peace of conscience. And
it turneth the labours of writing and reading of contro-
versies into treatises ^ of mortification and devotion.
Concerning the Bounds of Unity ; the true placing
of them importeth exceedingly. There appear to be
two extremes. For to certain zelants all speech of pa-
cification is odious. Is it peace, Jehu? What hast thou
to do ivith peace ? turn thee behind me. Peace is not
the matter, but following and party. Contrariwise,
certain Laodiceans and lukewarm persons think they
may accommodate points of religion by middle ways,
and taking part of both, and witty reconcilements ; as
if they would make an arbitrement between God and
man. Both these extremes are to be avoided ; which
will be done, if the league of Christians penned by our
Saviour himself were in the two cross clauses thereof ^
soundly and plainly expounded : He that is not with us
is against us ; and again, ITe that is not against us is
with us ; that is, if the points fundamental and of sub-
stance in religion were truly discerned and distin-
guished from points not merely of faith, but of opinion,
order, or good intention.^ This is a thing may seem
1 treaties^ in the original.
2 in clausulis ilUs qimprimo intuitu inter se opponi videntur.
8 qum non sunt exjide, sed ex opinione probabili et intentione sancta^ propter
ordinem et ecclesim poUtiam sancita.
OF UNITY IN RELIGION. 89
to many a matter trivial, and done already. But if it
were done less partially, it would be embraced more
generally.
Of this I may give only this advice, according to
my small model. Men ought to take heed of rending
God's church by two kinds of controversies. The one
is, when the matter of the point controverted is too
small and light, not worth the heat and strife about it,
kindled only by contradiction. For as it is noted by
one of the fathers, Christ'' s coat indeed had no seam, but
the church'' s vesture was of divers colours ; whereupon he
saith. In veste varietas sit, scissura non sit, [let there be
variety in the garment, but let there be no division :]
they be two things, Unity and Uniformity. The other
is, when the matter of the point controverted is great,
but it is driven to an over-great subtilty and obscurity ;
so that it becometh a thing rather ingenious than sub-
stantial. A man that is of judgment and understand-
ing shall sometimes hear ignorant men differ, and know
well within himself that those which so differ mean
one thing, and yet they themselves would never agree.
And if it come so to pass in that distance of judgment
which is between man and man, shall we not ^ think
that God above, that knows the heart, doth not^ dis-
cern that frail men in some of their contradictions
intend the same thing ; and accepteth of both ? The
nature of such controversies is excellently expressed by
St. Paul in the warning and precept that he giveth
concerning the same, Devita prof anas vocum novitates^
et oppositiones falsi nominis scientice: [Avoid profane
novelties of terms, and oppositions of science falsely so
1 So in the original. One of the nots should obviously be struck out ; the
reader can choose which.
90 OF UNITY IN RELIGION.
called.] Men create oppositions which are not ; and
put them into new terms so fixed, as whereas the
meaning ought to govern the term, the term in effect
governeth the meaning. There be also two false
peaces or unities : the one, when the peace is grounded
but upon an implicit ignorance ; for all colours will
agree in the dark : the other, when it is pieced up upon
a direct admission of contraries in fundamental points.
For truth and falsehood, in such things, are like the
iron and clay in the toes of Nabuchadnezzar's image ;
they may cleave, but tliey will not incorporate.
Concerning the Means of procuring Unity ; men
must beware, that in the procuring or muniting of re-
ligious unity they do not dissolve and deface the laws
of charity and of human society. There be two swords
amongst Christians, the spiritual and temporal ; and
both have their due office and place in the mainten-
ance of religion. But we may not take up the third
sword, which is Mahomet's sword, or like unto it ; that
is, to propagate religion by wars or by sanguinary per-
secutions to force consciences ; except it be in cases of
overt scandal, blasphemy, or intermixture of practice
against the state ; much less to nourish seditions ; to
authorize conspiracies and rebellions ; to put the sword
into the people's hands ; and the like ; tending to the
subversion of all government,^ which Is the ordinance
of God. For this is but to dash the first table against
the second ; and so to consider men as Christians,
as we forgets that they are men. Lucretius the
poet, when he beheld the act of Agamemnon, that
1 quce omnia manifestissime tendunt ad majestatem impeni minuendam et
auctoritatem magistratuum labefactandam ; cum tamen omnis legitima potes-
tas sit a Deo ordinata.
OF UNITY IN RELIGION. 91
could endure the sacrificing of his own daughter, ex-
claimed :
Tantum Relligio potuit suadere malorum :
[to such ill actions Rehgion could persuade a man.]
What would he have said, if he had known of the mas-
sacre in France, or the powder treason of England ?
He would have been seven times more Epicure and
atheist than he was. For as the temporal sword is to
be drawn with great circumspection in cases of relig-
ion ; so it is a thing monstrous to put it into the hands
of the common people. Let that be left unto the Ana-
baptists, and other furies. It was great blasphemy
when the devil said, I will ascend and be like the High-
est; but it is greater blasphemy to personate God,
and bring him in saying, I will descend, and be like the
prince of darkness : and what is it better, to make the
cause of religion to descend to the cruel and execrable
actions of murthering princes, butchery of people, and
subversion of states and governments ? Surely this is
to bring down the Holy Ghost, instead of the likeness
of a dove, in the shape of a vulture or raven ; and set
out of the bark of a Christian church a flag of a bark
of pirates and assassins. Therefore it is most neces-
sary that the church by doctrine and decree, princes
by their sword, and all learnings, both Christian and
moral, as by their Mercury rod, do damn and send to
hell for ever those facts and opinions tending to the
support of the same ; as hath been already in good
part done. Surely in counsels concerning religion,
that counsel of the apostle would be prefixed, Ira hom-
inis non implet justitiam Dei : [The wrath of man
worketh not the righteousness of God.] And it was
a notable observation of a wise father, and no less in-
92 OF REVENGE.
genuously confessed ; that those which held and per-
suaded pressure of consciences^ were commonly inter essed
therein themselves for their own ends.
IV. Of Revenge.
Revenge is a kind of wild justice ; which the more
man's nature runs to, the more ought law to weed it
out. For as for the first wrong, it doth but offend the
law ; but the revenge of that wrong putteth the law
out of office. Certainly, in taking revenge, a man is
but even with his enemy ; but in passing it over, he is
superior ; for it is a prince's part to pardon. And
Salomon, I am sure, saith. It is the glory of a man to
pass hy an offence. That which is past is gone, and
irrevocable ; and wise men have enough to do with
things present and to come ; therefore they do but trifle
with themselves, that labour in past matters. There is
no man doth a wrong for the wrong's sake ; but there-
by to purchase himself profit, or pleasure, or honour,
or the like. Therefore why should I be angry with a
man for loving himself better than me ? And if any
man should do wrong merely out of ill-nature, why,
yet it is but like the thorn or briar, which prick and
scratch, because they can do no other. The most tol-
erable sort of revenge is for those wrongs which there
is no law to remedy ; but then let a man take heed the
revenge be such as there is no law to punish ; else a
man's enemy is still before hand, and it is two for one.^
Some, when they take revenge, are desirous the party
should know whence it cometh. This the more gen-
1 Alias ipse sibipoenam conduplicat, inimicus vero lucrum facit.
OF ADVEKSITY. 93
erous. For the delight seemeth to be not so much in
doing the hurt as in making the party repent. But
base and crafty cowards ^ are Hke the arrow that flieth
in the dark. Cosmus, duke of Florence, had a des-
perate saying against perfidious or neglecting friends,
as if those wrongs were unpardonable ; You shall read
(saith he) that we are commanded to forgive our ene-
mies; hut you never read that we are commanded to for-
give our friends. But yet the spirit of Job was in a
better tune : Shall tve (saith he) take good at God's
hands., and not he content to take evil also ? And so of
friends in a proportion. This is certain, that a man
that studieth revenge keeps his own wounds green,
which otherwise would heal and do well. Public re-
venges are for the most part fortunate ; as that for the
death of Caesar ; for the death of Pertinax ; for the
death of Henry the Third ^ of France ; and many
more. But in private revenges it is not so. Nay
rather, vindictive persons live the life of witches ; who,
as they are mischievous, so end they infortunate.
V. Of Adversity.
It was a high speech of Seneca (after the manner
of the Stoics), that the good things which helong to pros-
peiity are to he wished ; hut the good things that helong
to adversity are to he admired. Bona rerum secundarum
optahilia ; adversarum mirahilia. Certainly if miracles
be the command over nature, they appear most in ad-
1 ViU ingenio prcediti et malitiosi.
2 So the original. The Latin translation has Henrici Quarti, magni illius
Gallim regis. It is probable therefore that we should read here fourth instead
of third. But the observation is true to a certain extent with regard to both.
94 OF ADVERSITY.
versitj. It is yet a higher speech of his than the other
(much too high for a heathen), It is true greatness to
have in one the frailty of a man^ and the security of a
G-od. Vere magnum habere fragilitatem hominis, secw-
ritatem Dei. This would have done better in poesy,
where transcendences are more allowed. And the
poets indeed have been busy with it ; for it is in effect
the thing which is figured in that strange fiction of the
ancient poets, which seemeth not to be without mys-
tery ; nay, and to have some approach to the state of
a Christian ; that Hercules, when he went to unbind
Prometheus, (by whom human nature is represented),
sailed the length of the great ocean in an earthen pot
or pitcher ; hvely describing Christian resolution, that
saileth in the frail bark of the flesh thorough the waves
of the world. But to speak in a mean.^ The virtue
of Prosperity is temperance ; the virtue of Adversity is
fortitude ; which in morals is the more heroical virtue.
Prosperity is the blessing of the Old Testament ; Ad-
versity is the blessing of the New ; which carrieth the
greater benediction, and the clearer revelation of God's
favour. Yet even in the Old Testament, if you listen
to David's harp, you shall hear as many hearse-like
airs as carols ; and the pencil of the Holy Ghost hath
laboured more in describing the afflictions of Job than
the felicities of Salomon. Prosperity is not vnthout
many fears and distastes ; and Adversity is not without
comforts and hopes. We see in needle-works and em-
broideries, it is more pleasing to have a lively work
upon a sad and solemn ground, than to have a dark
and melancholy work upon a lightsome ground : judge
therefore of the pleasure of the heart by the pleasure
'^ Ut a granditate verborum ad mediocritatem descendamus.
OF SIMULATION AND DISSIMULATION. 95
of the eye. Certainly virtue is like precious odours,
most fragrant when they are incensed or crushed : for
Prosperity doth best discover vice, but Adversity doth
best discover virtue.
VI. Of Simulation and Dissimulation.
Dissimulation is but a faint kind of policy or wis-
dom ; ^ for it asketh a strong wit and a strong heart to
know when to tell truth, and to do it. Therefore it
is the weaker sort of politics that are the great dis-
semblers.
Tacitus saith,^ lAvia sorted well with the arts of her
husband and dissimulation of her son ; attributing arts
or policy to Augustus, and dissimulation to Tiberius.
And again, when Mucianus encourageth Vespasian to
take arms against Vitellius, he saith,^ We rise not
against the piercing judgment of Augustus^ nor the ea>-
treme caution or closeness of Tiberius. These proper-
ties, of arts or policy and dissimulation or closeness, are
indeed habits and faculties several, and to be distin-
guished. For if a man have that penetration of judg-
ment as he can discern what things are to be laid open,
and what to be secreted, and what to be shewed at half
lights, and to whom and when, (which indeed are arts
of state and arts of life, as Tacitus well calleth them,)
to him a habit of dissimulation is a hinderance and a
poorness. But if a man cannot obtain to that judg-
1 Artium civilium compendium quoddam etpars injirmior.
2 Qtiod discrimen bene apud Taciturn Ccesarem Augustum inter et Tiberium
adnotatum est. Etenim de Livid sic ait.
3 Idem alibi hisce verbis Mucianum inducit Vespasianum ad arma contra
Vitellium sumenda hortantem.
96 OF SIMULATION AND DISSIMULATION.
ment, then it is left to him generally to be close, and
a dissembler. For where a man cannot choose or vary-
in particulars, there it is good to take the safest and
wariest way in general ; like the going softly, by one
that cannot well see. Certainly the ablest men that
ever were have had all an openness and frankness of
dealing ; and a name of certainty and veracity ; but
then they were like horses well managed ; for they
could tell passing well when to stop or turn ; and at
such times when they thought the case indeed required
dissimulation, if then they used it, it came to pass that
the former opinion spread abroad of their good faith
and clearness of dealing made them almost invisible,^
There be three degrees of this hiding and veiling of
a man's self. The first. Closeness, Reservation, and
Secrecy ; when a man leaveth himself without obser-
vation, or without hold to be taken, what he is.^ The
second, Dissimulation, in the negative ; when a man
lets fall signs and arguments, that he is not that he is.
And the third. Simulation, in the affirmative ; when a
man industriously and expressly feigns and pretends to
be that he is not.
For the first of these. Secrecy ; it is indeed the
virtue of a confessor. And assuredly the secret man
heareth many confessions. For who will open himself
to a blab or babbler ? But if a man be thought secret,
it inviteth discovery ; ^ as the more close air sucketh in
the more open ; and as in confession the revealing is
1 Quod si necessitas qumdam ingruat dissimulationem profundam postulans,
time quidem opinio et fama de bona Jide et veracitate eorum prceconcepta eos
reddit proi^sus invisibiles.
2 Primus est Taciturnitas, cum quis sensus animi sui premit, adeoque relin-
quit in cequilibrio, ut in quam partem propendeat nemo facile conjecerit.
^facile aliorum animos reserabit.
OF SIMULATION AND DISSIMULATION. 97
not for worldly use, but for the ease of a man's heart,^
so secret men come to the knowledge of many things
in that kind ; while men rather discharge their minds
than impart their minds. In few words, mysteries are
due to secrecy.^ Besides (to say truth) nakedness is
uncomely, as well in mind as body ; and it addeth no
small reverence to men's manners and actions, if they
be not altogether open. As for talkers and futile per-
sons, they are commonly vain and credulous withal.
For he that talketh what he knoweth, will also talk
what he knoweth not. Therefore set it down, that an
habit of secrecy is both politic and moral. And in this
part it is good that a man's face give his tongue leave
to speak. For the discovery of a man's self by the
tracts of his countenance is a great weakness and be-
traying ; by how much it is many times more marked
and believed than a man's words.
For the second, which is Dissimulation ; it followeth
many times upon secrecy by a necessity ; so that he
that will be secret must be a dissembler in some degree.
For men are too cunning to suffer a man to keep an
indifferent carriage between both, and to be secret,
without swaying the balance on either side.*^ They
will so beset a man with questions, and draw him on,
and pick it out of him, that, without an absurd silence,
he must shew an inclination one way ; or if he do not,
they will gather as much by his silence as by his
speech. As for equivocations, or oraculous speeches,
they cannot hold out long. So that no man can be
secret, except he give himself a little scope of dissimu-
1 ad conscientiam svhlevandam.
2 silentibus.
8 in (Bquilibrio se continere, absque aliqua in alteram partem inclinationis
siUB declaratione.
VOL. XII. 7
98 OF SIMULATION AND DISSIMULATION.
lation ; which is, as it were, but the skirts or train of
secrecy.
But for the third degree, which is Simulation and
false profession ; that I hold more culpable, and less
politic ; except it be in great and rare matters. And
therefore a general custom of simulation (which is this
last degree) is a vice, rising either of a natural falseness
or fearfulness, or of a mind that hath some main faults,
which because a man must needs disguise, it maketh
him practise simulation in other things, lest his hand
should be out of use.
The great ^ advantages of simulation and dissimu-
lation are three. First, to lay asleep opposition, and
to surprise. For where a man's intentions are pub-
lished, it is an alarum to call up all that are against
them. The second is, to reserve to a man's self a fair
retreat. For if a man engage himself by a manifest
declaration, he must go through or take a fall.^ The
third is, the better to discover the mind of another.
For to him that opens himself men will hardly shew
themselves adverse ; but will (fair) ^ let him go on,
and turn their freedom of speech to freedom of
thought. And therefore it is a good shrewd proverb
of the Spaniard, Tell a lie and find a troth. As if
there were no way of discovery but by simulation.*
1 So in original, and in ed. 1639. Great is omitted in the translation, and
in some modern editions, including Mr. Singer's.
2 Quod in hominis potestate relinquit ut pedem referat^ et se absque cestima-
Uonis sucejactura de negotio subducat. Si quis enim se manifesta declaratione
obstringit, is cuneis quasi impactis includitur ; aut pergendum est ei, aut tur-
piter desistendum.
3 So in the original, and also in edition 1639. The translation has : Ei&-
nim ei qui consilia sua profert, non facile quis se adversarium projiteatur,
verum assentabitur potius. I do not remember to have met with this use of
fair any where else ; but it is intelligible enough, and may, I should think,
be right.
^perinde ac si simuhtio clavis esset ad secreta reserai)da.
OF PARENTS AND CHILDREN. 99
There be also three disadvantages, to set it even. The
first, that simulation and dissimulation commonly carry
with them a shew of fearfulness, which in any business
doth spoil the feathers of round flying up to the mark.
The second, that it puzzleth and perplexeth the con-
ceits of many, that perhaps would otherwise co-operate
with him ; and makes a man walk almost alone to his
own ends. The third and greatest, is, that it depriveth
a man of one of the most principal instruments for
action ; which is trust and belief. The best compo-
sition and temperature is to have openness in fame and
opinion ; ^ secrecy in habit ; dissimulation in seasonable
use ; and a power to feign, if there be no remedy.
VII. Of Parents and Children.
The joys of parents are secret ; and so are their
griefs and fears. They cannot utter the one ; nor they
will not utter the other. Children sweeten labours ;
but they make misfortunes more bitter. They increase
the cares of life ; but they mitigate the remembrance
of death. The perpetuity by generation is common
to beasts ; but memory, merit, and noble works, are
proper to men. And surely a man shall see the no-
blest works and foundations have proceeded from
childless men ; which have sought to express the im-
ages of their minds, where those of their bodies have
failed. So the care of posterity is most in them that
have no posterity. They that are the first raisers of
their houses are most indulgent towards their children ;
beholding them as the continuance not only of their
1 Veracitatis famam.
100 OF PARENTS AND CHILDREN.
kind but of their work ; ^ and so both children and
creatures.
The difference in affection of parents towards their
several children is many times unequal ; and sometimes
unworthy ; especially in the mother ; as Salomon saith,
A wise son rejoieeth the father^ but an ungracious son
shames the mother. A man shall see, where there is
a house full of children, one or two of the eldest re-
spected, and the youngest made wantons ; ^ but in the
midst some that are as it were forgotten, who many
times nevertheless prove the best. The illiberality of
parents in allowance towards their children is an harm-
ful error ; makes them base ; ^ acquaints them with
shifts ; makes them sort with mean company ; and
makes them surfeit more when they come to plenty.
And therefore the proof is best, when men keep their
authority towards their children, but not their purse."*
Men have a foolish manner (both parents and school-
masters and servants) in creating and breeding an
emulation between brothers during childhood, which
many times sorteth to discord when they are men, and
disturbeth families. The Italians make little difference
between children and nephews or near kinsfolks ; but
so they be of the lump, they care not though they pass
not through their own body. And, to say truth, in
nature it is much a like matter ; insomuch that we see
a nephew sometimes resembleth an uncle or a kinsman
more than his own parent ; as the blood happens. Let
parents choose betimes ^ the vocations and courses they
1 non tantum ut continuaUonem speciei siub, sed ut rerum a se gestarum
hceredes.
2 in deliciis esse. 8 animo degeneres.
4 auctoritatem tuentur, crumenam laxant.
6 in tenera cetate Jiliorum suorum.
OF MARRIAGE AND SINGLE LIFE. 101
mean their children should take ; for then they are
most flexible ; and let them not too much apply them-
selves to the disposition of their children, as thinking
they will take best to that which they have most mind
to. It is true, that if the affection or aptness of the
children be extraordinary, then it is good not to cross
it ; but generally the precept is good, optimum elige,
suave et facile illud faciei consuetudo : [choose the best
— custom will make it pleasant and easy.] Younger
brothers are commonly fortunate, but seldom or never
where the elder are disinherited.
VIII. Of Marriage and Single Life.
He that hath wife and children hath given hostages
to fortune ; for they are impediments to great enter-
prises, either of virtue or mischief. Certainly^ the
best works, and of greatest merit for the public, have
proceeded from the unmarried or childless men ; which
both in affection and means have married and endowed
the public. Yet it were great reason that those that
have children should have greatest care of future times ;
unto which they know they must transmit their dearest
pledges. Some there are, who though they lead a
single life, yet their thoughts do end with themselves,
and account future times impertinences.^ ^^Ji there
are some other that account wife and children but as
bills of charges. Nay more, there are some foolish
rich covetous men, that take a pride in having no
children, because they may be thought so much the
1 ut alibi cHximus.
2 nihil ad se pertinentia.
OF MARRIAGE AND SIN<
richer. For perhaps they have heard some talk, Sack
an one is a great rich man, and another except to it,
Yea, hut he hath a great charge of children; as if it
were an abatement to his riches. But the most ordi-
nary cause of a single life is liberty, especially in
certain self-pleasing and humorous minds, which are so
sensible of every restraint, as they will go near to think
their girdles and garters to be bonds and shackles.
Unmarried men are best friends, best masters, best
servants ; but not always best subjects ; for they are
light to nin away ; and almost all fugitives are of that
condition. A single life doth well with churchmen ;
for charity will hardly water the ground where it must
first fill a pool. It is indifferent for judges and magis-
trates ; for if they be facile and corrupt, you shall have
a servant five times worse than a wife. For soldiers, I
find the generals commonly in their hortatives put men
in mind of their wives and children ; and I think the
despising of marriage amongst the Turks maketh the
vulgar soldier more base. Certainly wife and children
are a kind of discipline of humanity ; and single men,
though they may be many times more charitable, be-
cause their means are less exhaust, yet, on the other
side, they are more cruel and hardhearted, (good to
make severe inquisitors,) because their tenderness is
not so oft called upon. Grave natures, led by custom,
and therefore constant, are commonly loving husbands ;
as was said of Ulysses, vetulam suam prcetulit immor-
talitati: [he preferred his old wife to immortality.]
Chaste women are often proud and fro ward, as pre-
suming upon the merit of their chastity. It is one of
the best bonds both of chastity and obedience in the
wife, if she think her husband wise ; which she will
OF ENVY. 103
never do if she find him jealous. Wives are young
men's mistresses ; companions for middle age ; and old
men's nurses. So as a man may have a quarrel to
marry when he will. But yet he was reputed one of
the wise men, that made answer to the question, when
a man should marry ? — A young man not yet^ an elder
man not at all. It is often seen that bad husbands
have very good wives ; whether it be that it raiseth
the price of their husband's kindness when it comes ;
or that the wives take a pride in their patience. But
this never fails, if the bad husbands were of their own
choosing, against their friends' consent ; for then they
will be sure to make good their own folly.
IX. Of Envy.
There be none of the affections which have been
noted to fascinate or bewitch, but love and envy.
They both have vehement wishes ; they frame them-
selves readily into imaginations and suggestions ; and
they come easily into the eye,^ especially upon the
presence of the objects ; which are the points that con-
duce to fascination, if any such thing there be. We
see likewise the scripture calletli envy an evil eye ; and
the astrologers call the evil mfluences of the stars evil
aspects ; so that still there seemeth to be acknowl-
edged, in the act of envy, an ejaculation or irradiation
of the eye. Nay some have been so curious as to note,
that the times when the stroke or percussion of an en-
vious eye doth most hurt, are when the party envied is
beheld in glory or triumph ; for that sets an edge upon
1 Uterque facile ascendit in oculos.
104 OF ENVY.
envy : and besides, at such times the spirits of the per-
son envied do come forth most into the outward parts,
and so meet the blow.
But leaving these curiosities, (though not unworthy
to be thought on in fit place,) we will handle, what
persons are apt to envy others ; what persons are most
subject to be envied themselves ; and what is the differ-
ence between public and private envy.
A man that hath no virtue in himself, ever envieth
virtue in others. For men's minds will either feed
upon their own good or upon others' evil ; and who
wanteth the one will prey upon the other ; and whoso
is out of hope to attain to another's virtue, will seek to
come at even hand by depressing another's fortune.
A man that is busy and inquisitive is commonly
envious. For to know much of other men's matters
cannot be because all that ado may concern his own
estate ; therefore it must needs be that he taketh a
kind of play-pleasure ^ in looking upon the fortunes of
others. Neither can he that mindeth but his own busi-
ness find much matter for envy. For envy is a gad-
ding passion, and walketh the streets, and doth not
keep home : Non est curiosus^ quin idem sit malevolus :
[There is no curious man but has some malevolence
to quicken his curiosity.]
Men of noble birth are noted to be envious towards
new men when they rise. For the distance is altered ;
and it is like a deceit of the eye, that when others come
on they think themselves go back.
Deformed persons, and eunuchs, and old men, and
bastards, are envious. For he that cannot possibly
mend his own case will do what he can to impair an-
1 Scenicam qtmndam voluptaiem.
OF ENVY. 105
other's ; except these defects light upon a very brave
and heroical nature, which thinketh to make his nat-
ural wants part of his honour ; in that it should be
said, that an eunuch, or a larne man, did such great
matters ; affecting the honour of a miracle ; as it was
in Narses the eunuch, and Agesilaus and Tamberlanes,
that were lame men.
The same is the case of men that rise after calami-
ties and misfortunes. For they are as men fallen out
with the times ; and think other men's harms a redemp-
tion of their own sufferings.
They that desire to excel in too many matters, out
of levity and vain glory, are ever envious. For they
cannot want work ; ^ it being impossible but many in
some one of those things should surpass them. Which
was the character of Adrian the Emperor ; that mor-
tally envied poets and painters and artificers, in works
wherein he had a vein to excel.
Lastly, near kinsfolks, and fellows in office, and
those that have been bred together, are more apt to
envy their equals when they are raised. For it doth
upbraid unto them their own fortunes, and pointeth at
them, and conieth oftener into their remembrance, and
incurreth likewise more into the note of others ; and
envy ever redoubleth from speech and fame. Cain's
envy was the more vile and malignant towards his
brother Abel, because when his sacrifice was better
accepted there was no body to look on. Thus much
for those that are apt to envy.
Concerning those that are more or less subject to
envy : First, persons of eminent virtue, when they
1 i. e. Matter for envy to work upon : vbique enim occurruni objecta in-
vidice.
106 OF ENVY.
are advanced, are less envied. For their fortune seem-
etli but due unto them ; and no man envieth the
payment of a debt, but rewards and liberahty rather.^
Again, envy is ever joined with the comparing of a
man's self; and where there is no comparison, no
envy ; and therefore kings are not envied but by kings.
Nevertheless it is to be noted that unworthy persons
are most envied at their first coming in, and afterwards
overcome it better ; ^ whereas contrariwise, persons of
worth and merit are most envied when their fortune
continueth long. For by that time, though their ^■irtue
be the same, yet it hath not the same lustre ; for fresh
men grow up that darken it.
Persons of noble blood are less envied in their rising.
For it seemeth but right done to their birth.^ Besides,
there seemeth not much added to their fortune ; and
envy is as the sunbeams, that beat hotter upon a bank
or steep rising ground, than upon a flat. And for the
same reason those that are advanced by degrees are less
envied than those that are advanced suddenly and per
saltum.
Those that have joined with their honour great trav-
els, cares, or perils, are less subject to envy. For men
think that they earn their honours hardly, and pity
them sometimes ; and pity ever healeth envy. Where-
fore you shall observe that the more deep and sober ^
sort of politic persons, in their greatness, are ever be-
moaning themselves, what a life they lead ; chanting a
quanta patimur. Not that they feel it so, but only to
abate the edge of envy. But this is to be understood
1 sed largitioni supra merituni.
^ postea vero minus.
8 nihil aliud videtur quam debitum majoribus suis repensum.
4 maffis sanos ac sobj'ios.
OF ENVY. 107
of business that is laid upon men, and not such as they
call unto themselves. For nothing increaseth envy
more than an unnecessary and ambitious engrossing
of business. And nothing doth extinguish envy more
than for a great person to preserve all other inferior
officers in their full rights and preeminences of their
places. For by that means there be so many screens
between him and envy.
Above all, those are most subject to envy, which
carry the greatness of their fortunes in an insolent and
proud manner ; being never well but while they are
shewing how great they are, either by outward pomp,
or by triumphing over all opposition or competition ;
whereas wise men will rather do sacrifice to envy, in
suffering themselves sometimes of purpose to be crossed
and overborne in things that do not much concern
them. . Notwithstanding so much is true, that the car-
riage of greatness in a plain and open manner (so it be
without arrogancy and vain glory) doth draw less envy
than if it be in a more crafty and cunning fashion.
For in that course a man doth but disavow fortune ;
and seemeth to be conscious of his own want in worth ; ^
and doth but teach others to envy him.
Lastly, to conclude this part ; as we said in the be-
ginning that the act of envy had somewhat in it of
witchcraft, so there is no other cure of envy but the
1 nihihminus Ulud verum est, potentm ostentatlonem apertam et indissimu-
latam (modo absit arrogantia et gloria inanis) mirm'e invidia ktborare, quam
si callide et quasi furtim se notm subtrahat. Etenim hoc cum Jit, nihil aliud
facit quis quam ut fortunam insimulet, quasi ipse sibi esset conscius indigni-
tatis suce. The undisguised assumption and display of greatness is less
subject to envy than any furtive attempt to withdraw it from observation:
for by seeming to be ashamed of his position, a man admits that he is un-
worthy of it; and so "disavows" (i. e. declines to justify) or impeaches
{i. e. throws the blame upon) fortune.
108 OF ENVY.
cure of witchcraft ; and that is, to remove the lot (as
they call it) and to lay it upon another. For which
purpose, the wiser sort of great persons bring in ever
upon the stage somebody upon whom to derive^ the
envy that would come upon themselves ; sometimes
upon ministers and servants ; sometimes upon col-
leagues and associates ; and the like ; and for that turn
there are never wanting some persons of violent and
undertaking natures, who, so they may have power
and business, will take it at any cost.
Now, to speak of public envy. There is yet some
good in public envy, whereas in private there is none.
For public envy is as an ostracism, that eclipseth men
when they grow too great. And therefore it is a bridle
also to great ones, to keep them within bounds.
This envy, being in the Latin word invidia, goeth in
the modem languages by the name of discontentment;
of which we shall speak in handling Sedition. It is a
disease in a state like to infection. For as infection
spreadeth upon that which is sound, and tainteth it ; so
when envy is gotten once into a state, it traduceth even
the best actions thereof, and turneth them into an ill
odour. And therefore there is little won by inter-
mingling of plausible actions. For that doth argue
but a weakness and fear of envy, which hurteth so
much the more ; as it is likewise usual in infections ;
which if you fear them, you call them upon you.
This public envy seemeth to beat chiefly upon prin-
cipal officers or ministers, rather than upon kings and
estates themselves. But this is a sure rule, that if the
envy upon the minister be great, when the cause of it
in him is small ; or if the envy be general in a man-
1 Turn from its course.
OF LOVE. 109
ner upon all the ministers of an estate ; then the envy
(though hidden) is truly upon the state itself. And
so much of public envy or discontentment, and the dif-
ference thereof from private envy, which was handled
in the first place.
We will add this in general, touching the affection
of envy ; that of all other affections it is the most im-
portune and continual. For of other affections there is
occasion given but now and then ; and therefore it was
well said, Invidia festos dies non agit : [Envy keeps no
holidays :] for it is ever working upon some or other.
And it is also noted that love and envy do make a man
pine, which other affections do not, because they are
not so continual. It is also the vilest affection, and the
most depraved ; for which cause it is the proper attri-
bute of the devil, who is called The envious man^ that
soiveth tares amongst the wheat hy night ; as it always
Cometh to pass, that envy worketh subtilly, and in
the dark ; and to the prejudice of good things, such
as is the wheat.
X. Of Love.
The stage is more beholding to Love, than the life of
man. For as to the stage, love is ever matter of come-
dies, and now and then of tragedies ; but in life it doth
much mischief; sometimes like a syren, sometimes like
a fury. You may observe, that amongst all the great
and worthy persons (whereof the memory remaineth,
either ancient or recent,) there is not one that hath
been transported to the mad degree of love : which
shews that great spirits and great business do keep
110 OF LOVE.
out this weak passion. You must except nevertheless
Marcus Antonius, the half partner of the empire of
Rome, and Appius Claudius, the decemvir and law-
giver ; ^ whereof the former was indeed a voluptuous
man, and inordinate ; but the latter was an austere
and wise man : and therefore it seems (though rarely)
that love can find entrance not only into an open heart,
but also into a heart well fortified, if watch be not well
kept. It is a poor ^ saying of Epicurus, Satis magnum
alter alteri theatrum sumus : [Each is to other a theatre
large enough] ; as if man, made for the contemplation
of heaven and all noble objects, should do nothing but
kneel before a little idol, and make himself a subject,
though not of the mouth (as beasts are), yet of the
eye ; which was given him for higher purposes. It is
a strange thing to note the excess of this passion, and
how it braves the nature and value of things, by this ;
that the speaking in a perpetual hyperbole is comely
in nothing but in love. Neither is it merely in the
phrase ; for whereas it hath been well said that the
arch-flatterer, with whom all the petty flatterers have
intelligence, is a man's self; certainly the lover is more.
For there w^as never proud man thought so absurdly
well of himself as the lover doth of the person loved ;
and therefore it was well said. That it is impossible to
hve and to be wise.^ Neither doth this weakness appear
to others only, and not to the party loved ; but to the
loved most of all, except the love be reciproque. For
it is a true rule, that love is ever rewarded either with
the reciproque or with an inward and secret contempt.
1 legislatorum apud Romanos principem.
2 abjectum et pusillanimum.
8 Recte itaque receptum est illud dwerbium : Amare et sapere vix Deo con-
ceditur.
OF GREAT PLACE. HI
By how much the more men ought to beware of this
passion, which loseth not only other things, but itself.
As for the other losses, the poet's relation doth well
figure them ; That he that preferred Helena, quitted
the gifts of Juno and Pallas. For whosoever esteem-
eth too much of amorous affection quitteth both riches
and wisdom. This passion hath his floods in the very
times of weakness ; which are great prosperity and
gi'eat adversity ; though this latter hath been less ob-
served : both which times kindle love, and make it
more fervent, and therefore shew it to be the child of
folly. They do best, who if they cannot but admit
love, yet make it keep quarter ; and sever it wholly
from their serious affairs and actions of life ; for if it
check once with business, it troubleth men's fortunes,
and maketh men that they can no ways be true to
their own ends. I know not how, but martial men are
given to love : I think it is but as they are given to
wine ; for perils commonly ask to be paid in pleasures.
There is in man's nature a secret inclination and mo-
tion towards love of others, which if it be not spent
upon some one or a few, doth naturally spread itself
towards many, and maketh men become humane and
charitable ; as it is seen sometime in friars. Nuptial
love maketh mankind ; friendly love perfecteth it ; but
wanton love corrupteth and embaseth it.
XI. Of Great Place.
Men in great place are thrice servants : servants of
the sovereign or state ; servants of fame ; and servants
of business. So as they have no freedom ; neither in
112 OF GREAT PLACE.
their persons, nor in their actions, nor in their times.
It is a strange desire, to seek power and to lose hberty:
or to seek power over others and to lose power over a
man's self. The rising unto place is laborious ; and by
pains men come to greater pains ; and it is sometimes
base ; and by indignities men come to dignities. The
standing is slippery, and the regress is either a down-
fall, or at least an eclipse, which is a melancholy thing.
Cum non sis quifueris^ non esse cur velis vivere: [When
a man feels that he is no longer what he was, he loses
all his interest in life.] Nay, retire men cannot when
they would, neither will they when it were reason ;
but are impatient of privateness, even in age and sick-
ness, which require the shadow ; like old townsmen,
that will be still sitting at their street door, though
thereby they offer age to scorn. Certainly great per-
sons had need to borrow other men's opinions, to think
themselves happy ; for if they judge by their own feel-
ing, they cannot find it : but if they think with them-
selves what other men think of them, and that other
men would fain be as they are, then they are happy as
it were by report ; when perhaps they find the contrary
within. For they are the first that find their own
griefs, though they be the last that find their own
faults. Certainly men in great fortunes are strangers
to themselves, and while they are in the puzzle of busi-
ness they have no time to tend their health either of
body or mind. Illi mors gravis incubat^ qui notus nimis
omnibus, ignotus moritur sibi : [It is a sad fate for a
man to die too well known to every-body else, and still
unknown to himself.] In place there is licence to
do good and evil ; whereof the latter is a curse : for
in evil the best condition is not to will ; the second
OF GREAT PLACE. 113
not to can. But power to do good is the true and law-
ful end of aspiring. For good thoughts (though God
accept them) yet towards men are little better than
good dreams, except they be put in act ; and that can-
not be without power and place, as the vantage and
commanding ground. Merit and good works is the
end of man's motion ; and conscience of the same is
the accomphshment of man's rest. For if a man can
be partaker of God's theatre, he shall likewise be par-
taker of God's rest. Et conversus Deus, ut aspiceret
opera quce fecerunt manus suce, vidit quod omnia essent
bona nimis; [And God turned to look upon the works
which his hands had made, and saw that all were very
good ;] and then the sabbath. In the discharge of thy
place set before thee the best examples ; for imitation
is a globe of precepts. And after a time set before
thee thine own example ; and examine thyself strictly
whether thou didst not best at first. Neglect not also
the examples of those that have carried themselves ill
in the same place ; not to set off thyself by taxing their
memory, but to direct thyself what to avoid. Reform
therefore, without bravery ^ or scandal of former times
and persons ; but yet set it down to thyself as well to
create good precedents as to follow them. Reduce
things to the first institution, and observe wherein and
how they have degenerate ; but yet ask counsel of both
times ; of the ancient time, what is best ; and of the
latter time, what is fittest. Seek to make thy course
regular,^ that men may know beforehand what they
may expect ; but be not too positive and peremptory ;
1 sed absque elatione tui ipsius.
2 Contende ut quce agis pro Potestate tanquam regulis qmbmdam cohibe-
antwr ; ut hominibus tanquam digito monstres, quid illis sit expectandum.
VOL. XII. 8
114 OF GREAT PLACE.
and express thyself well when thou digressest from thy
rule. Preserve the right of thy place ; but stir not
questions of jurisdiction : and rather assume thy right
in silence and de facto ^ than voice it with claims and
challenges. Preserve likewise the rights of inferior
places ; and think it more honour to direct in chief
than to be busy in all. Embrace and invite helps and
advices touching the execution of thy place ; and do
not drive away such as bring thee information, as med-
dlers ; but accept of them in good part. The vices of
authority are chiefly four ; delays, corruption, rough-
ness, and facility. For delays ; give easy access ; keep
times appointed ; go through with that which is in
hand, and interlace not business but of necessity. For
corruption ; do not only bind thine own hands or thy
servants' hands from taking, but bind the hands of
suitors also from offering. For integrity used doth the
one ; but integrity professed, and with a manifest det-
estation of bribery, doth the other. And avoid not
only the fault, but the suspicion. Whosoever is found
variable, and changeth manifestly without manifest
cause, giveth suspicion of corruption. Therefore al-
ways when thou changest thine opinion or course, pro-
fess it plainly, and declare it, together with the reasons
that move thee to change ; and do not think to steal it.
A servant or a favourite, if he be inward, and no other
apparent cause of esteem, is commonly thought but a
by-way to close corruption. For roughness ; it is a
needless cause of discontent : ^ severity breedeth fear,
but roughness breedeth hate. Even reproofs from
authority ought to be grave, and not taunting. As
for facility ; it is worse than bribery. For bribes come
1 invidiam et malevolentiam parit ilia, nihil inde metens.
OF GREAT PLACE. 115
but now and then ; but if importunity or idle respects
lead a man, he shall never be without. As Salomon
saith, To respect persons is not good; for such a man
will transgress for a piece of bread. It is most true that
was anciently spoken, A place sheweth the man. And
it sheweth some to the better, and some to the worse.
Omnium consensu capax imperii^ nisi imperasset, [a
man whom every body would have thought fit for
empire if he had not been emperor,] saith Tacitus of
Galba ; but of Vespasian he saith, jSoIus imperantium^
Vespasianus mutatus in melius: [He was the only
emperor whom the possession of power changed for the
better ; ] though the one was meant of sufficiency,^ the
other of manners and affection. It is an assured sign
of a worthy and generous spirit, whom honour amends.
For honour is, or should be, the place of virtue ; and
as in nature things move violently to their place and
calmly in their place, so virtue in ambition is violent,
in authority settled and calm. All rising to great place
is by a winding stair ; and if there be factions, it is
good to side a man's self whilst he is in the rising, and
to balance himself when he is placed. Use the mem-
ory of thy predecessor fairly and tenderly ; for if thou
dost not, it is a debt will sure be paid when thou art
gone. If thou have colleagues, respect them, and
rather call them when they look not for it, than ex-
clude them when they have reason to look to be called.
Be not too sensible or too remembering of thy place in
conversation and private answers to suitors ; ^ but let it
rather be said, WTien he sits in place he is another man.
1 de arte tmperatorid.
2 in guotidianis sermon^ms aut conversaMone privatd.
116 OF BOLDNESS.
XII. Of Boldness.
It is a trivial grammar-school text, but yet worthy
a wise man's consideration. Question was asked of
Demosthenes, what was the chief part of an orator?
he answered, action : what next ? action : what next
again ? action. He said it that knew it best, and had
by nature himself no advantage in that he commended.
A strange thing, that that part of an orator which is
but superficial, and rather the virtue of a player, should
be placed so high, above those other noble parts of in-
vention, elocution, and the rest ; nay almost alone, as
if it were all in all. But the reason is plain. There
is in human nature generally more of the fool than of
the wise ; and therefore those faculties by which the
foolish part of men's minds is taken are most potent.
Wonderful like is the case of Boldness, in civil busi-
ness; what first? Boldness: what second and third?
Boldness. And yet boldness is a child of ignorance
and baseness, far inferior to other parts. But never-
theless it doth fascinate and bind hand and foot those
that are either shallow in judgment or weak in courage,
which are the greatest part ; yea and prevaileth with
wise men at weak times. Therefore we see it hath
done wonders in popular states ; but with senates and
princes less ; and more ever upon the first entrance of
bold persons into action than soon after ; for boldness is
an ill keeper of promise. Surely as there are mounte-
banks for the natural body, so are there mountebanks
for the politic body ; men that undertake great cures,
and perhaps have been lucky in two or three experi-
ments, but want the grounds of science, and therefore
cannot hold out. Nay you shall see a bold fellow
OF BOLDNESS. 117
many times do Mahomet's miracle. Mahomet made
the people believe that he would call an hill to him,
and from the top of it offer up his prayers for the ob-
servers of his law. The people assembled ; Mahomet
called the hill to come to him, again and again ; and
when the hill stood still, he was never a whit abashed,
but said, If the hill will not come to Mahomet^ Mahomet
will go to the hill. So these men, when they have prom-
ised great matters and failed most shamefully, yet (if
they have the perfection of boldness) they will but
slight it over, and make a turn, and no more ado.
Certainly to men of great judgment, bold persons are a
sport to behold ; nay and to the vulgar also, boldness
has somewhat of the ridiculous. For if absurdity be
the subject of laughter, doubt you not but great bold-
ness is seldom without some absurdity. Especially it
is a sport to see, when a bold fellow is out of counte-
nance ; for that puts his face into a most shrunken and
wooden posture ; ^ as needs it must ; for in bashfulness
the spirits do a little go and come ; but with bold men,
upon like occasion, they stand at a stay ; like a stale at
chess, where it is no mate, but yet the game cannot
stir. But this last were fitter for a satire than for a
serious observation. This is well to be weighed ; that
boldness is ever blind ; for it seeth not dangers and in-
conveniences. Therefore it is ill in counsel, good in
execution ; so that the right use of bold persons is,
that they never command in chief, but be seconds, and
under the direction of others. For in counsel it is good
to see dangers ; and in execution not to see them, ex-
cept they be very great.
1 mUum enim tunc nancisdtur in se reductum, sed defbrmiter.
118 OF GOODNESS AND GOODNESS OF NATURE.
XIII. Of Goodness and Goodness of Nature.
I take Goodness in this sense, the affecting of the
weal of men, which is that the Grecians call Philarir
thropia; and the word humanity (as it is used) is a
little too light ^ to express it. Goodness I call the
habit, and Goodness of Nature the inclination. This
of all virtues and dignities of the mind is the greatest ;
being the character of the Deity : and without it man ^
is a busy, mischievous, wretched thing ; no better than
a kind of vermin. Goodness answers to the theologi-
cal virtue Charity, and admits no excess, but error.
The desire of power in excess caused the angels to fall ;
the desire of knowledge in excess caused man to fall :
but in charity there is no excess ; neither can angel or
man come in danger by it. The inclination to good-
ness is imprinted deeply in the nature of man ; inso-
much that if it issue not towards men, it will take unto
other living creatures ; as it is seen in the Turks, a
cruel people, who nevertheless are kind to beasts, and
give alms to dogs and birds ; insomuch as Busbechius
reporteth, a Christian boy in Constantinople had like
to have been stoned for gagging in a waggishness a
long-billed fowl.^ Errors indeed in this virtue of good-
ness or charity may be committed. The Italians have
an ungracious proverb, Tanto huon che vol niente; So
goody that he is good for nothing. And one of the doc-
1 levins aliquanto et angustitts.
2 homo animalis.
8 The Latin translation has, more correctly, adeo ut (referente Busbequio)
aurifex quidam Venetus, Byzantii agens, vix furorem pqpuU effugerit, qtwd
avis cujusdam rostri oblongi fauces inserto baculo diduxisset. The bird was a
goat-sucker, which the goldsmith ("homo alioqui ridiculus") fastened over
his door with wings spread and jaws distended. The story will be found
in Busbequius's letter from Constantinople, p. 179 of ed. 1633.
OF GOODNESS AND GOODNESS OF NATURE. 119
tors of Italy,^ Nicholas Machiavel, had the confidence
to put in writing, almost in plain terms, That the Chris-
tian faith had given up good men in prey to those that
are tyrannical and unjust. Which he spake, because
indeed there was never law, or sect, or opinion, did so
much magnify goodness, as the Christian religion doth.
Therefore, to avoid the scandal and the danger both,
it is good to take knowledge of the errors of an habit
so excellent. Seek the good of other men, but be not
in bondage to their faces or fancies ; for that is but
facility or softness ; which taketh an honest mind pris-
oner. Neither give thou JEsop's cock a gem, who
would be better pleased and happier if he had a barley-
corn. The example of God teacheth the lesson truly ;
He sendeth his rain, and maketh his sun to shine, upon
the just and unjust ; but he doth not rain wealth, nor
shine honour and virtues, upon men equally. Common
benefits are to be communicate with all ; but peculiar
benefits with choice. And beware how in making the
portraiture thou breakest the pattern. For divinity
maketh the love of ourselves the pattern ; the love of
our neighbours but the portraiture. Sell all thou hast,
and give it to the poor, and follow me : but sell not all
thou hast, except thou come and follow me; that is,
except thou have a vocation wherein thou mayest do as
much good with little means as with great ; for other-
wise in feeding the streams thou driest the fountain.
Neither is there only a habit of goodness, directed by
right reason ; but there is in some men, even in nature,
a disposition towards it ; as on the other side there is a
1 These words are omitted in the translation ; no doubt as likely to give
offence at Rome. The Italian translation has "quel empio Nicolo Mac-
ciavello."
120 OF GOODNESS AND GOODNESS OF NATURE.
natural malignity. For there be that in their nature
do not affect the good of others.^ The lighter sort of
malignity turneth but to a crossness, or frowardness, or
aptness to oppose, or difficilness, or the like ; but the
deeper sort to envy and mere mischief. Such men in
other men's calamities are, as it were, in season, and
are ever on the loading part : ^ not so good as the dogs
that licked Lazarus' sores ; but like flies that are still
buzzing upon any thing that is raw ; misanthropic^ that
make it their practice to bring men to the bough, and
yet have never a tree for the purpose in their gardens,*
as Timon had. Such dispositions are the very err ours
of human nature ; ^ and yet they are the fittest timber
to make great politiques of; like to knee timber, that is
good for ships, that are ordained to be tossed ; but not
for building houses, that shall stand firm. The parts
and signs of goodness are many. If a man be gracious
and courteous to strangers, it shews he is a citizen of
the world, and that his heart is no island cut off from
other lands, but a continent that joins to them. If he
be compassionate towards the afflictions of others, it
shews that his heart is like the noble tree that is
woimded itself when it gives the balm. If he easily
pardons and remits offences, it shews that his mind is
planted above injuries ; so that he cannot be shot. If
he be thankful for small benefits, it shews that he
weighs men's minds, and not their trash. But above
1 qui ingenii propi'ii instinctu aversentur alioi^m honum.
2 easque semper aggravant.
8 Nonpaucos reperias misanthropos ; quibus volupe est, &c.
4 That is, I suppose, without openly professing it. The Italian transla-
tion introduces the word palesemente : " et con tutto cio non hanno palese-
mente nei loro giardini a tal proposito 1' albero di Timone."
5 non injuria vocare licet humance naturce vomicas et carcinomata.
OF NOBILITY. 121
all, if he have St. Paul's perfection, that he would
wish to be an anathema from Christ for the salvation of
his brethren, it shews much of a divine nature, and a
kind of conformity with Christ himself.
XIV. Of Nobility.
We will speak of Nobi^'^-y first as a portion of an
estate ; then as a condition of particular persons. A
monarchy where there is no nobility at all, is ever a
pure and absolute tyranny ; as that of the Turks. For
nobility attempers sovereignty, and draws the eyes of
the people somewhat aside from the line royal. But
for democracies, they need it not ; and they are com-
monly more quiet and less subject to sedition, than
where there are stirps of nobles. For men's eyes are
upon the business, and not upon the persons ; or if
upon the persons, it is for the business sake, as fittest,
and not for flags and pedigree.^ We see the Switzers
last well, notwithstanding their diversity of religion
and of cantons. For utility is their bond, and not
respects. 2 The united provinces of the Low Countries
in their government excel ; for where there is an equal-
ity, the consultations are more indifferent, and the pay-
ments and tributes more cheerful. A great and potent
nobility addeth majesty to a monarch, but diminish eth
power ; and putteth life and spirit into the people, but
presseth their fortune. It is well when nobles are not
too great for sovereignty nor for justice ; and yet
1 vel si omnino in personas^ id Jit tanquam in maxime idoneas rebus geren-
<Us, minime vero ut ratio habeatur insignium out imaginum.
2 dignitas.
s.
122 OF NOBILITY.
maintained in that height, as the insolency of inferiors
maj be broken upon them ^ before it come on too fast
upon the majesty of kings. A numerous nobiHty
causeth poverty and inconvenience in a state ; ^ for it is
a surcharge of expense ; and besides, it being of neces-
sity that many of the nobihty fall in time to be weak
in fortune, it maketh a kind of disproportion between
honour and means.
As for nobility in particular persons ; it is a reverend
thing to see an ancient castle or building not in decay ;
or to see a fair timber tree sound and perfect. How
much more to behold an ancient noble family, which
hath stood against the waves and weathers of time.
For new nobility is but the act of power, but ancient
nobility is the act of time. Those that are first
raised to nobility are commonly more virtuous, but
less innocent, than their descendants ; ^ for there is
rarely any rising but by a commixture of good and evil
arts. But it is reason the memory of their virtues
remain to their posterity, and their faults die with
themselves. Nobility of birth commonly abateth in-
dustry ; and he that is not industrious, envieth him that
is. Besides, noble persons cannot go much higher:
and he that standeth at a stay when others rise, can
hardly avoid motions of envy. On the other side,
nobility extinguisheth the passive envy from others
towards them ; because they are in possession of hon-
our.* Certainly, kings that have able men of their
1 illorum reverentid, tanquam ohice, retundatur.
2 Bursus numerosa nobilitas, quae plerumque minus potens est, statum prorsus
depauperat
8 virtutum claritudine plerumque posteris eminent, sed innocentid minime.
4 That is, born in possession. £o quod nobiles in honorum possessione nati
videntur.
OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES. 123
nobility shall find ease in employing them, and a better
slide into their business ; ^ for people naturally bend to
them, as born in some sort to command.
XV. Of Seditions and Troubles.
Shepherds of people had need know the calendars ^
of tempests in state ; which are commonly greatest
when things grow to equality ; as natural tempests are
greatest about the Equinoetia. And as there are cer-
tain hollow ^ blasts of wind and secret swellings of seas
before a tempest, so are there in states :
lUe etiam csecos instare tumultus
Saepe monet, fraudesque et operta tumescere bella.
[Of troubles imminent and treasons dark
Thence warning comes, and wars in secret gathering.]
Libels and licentious discourses against the state, when
they are frequent and open ; and in like sort, false
news often running up and down to the disadvantage
of the state, and hastily embraced ; are amongst the
signs of troubles. Virgil giving the pedigree of Fame,
saith she was sister to the Giants :
lilam Terra parens, ira irritata Deorum,
Extremam (ut perhibent) Coeo Enceladoque sororem
Progenuit.
As if fames were the relics of seditions past ; but they
are no less indeed the preludes of seditions to come.
Howsoever he noteth it right, that seditious tumults
and seditious fames differ no more but as brother and
i negotia sua mollitis Jluere sentient, si eos potissimum adhibeant,
2 Prognosiica.
3 caws, et veluti a hnginquo.
124
OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES.
sister, masculine and feminine ; especially if it come to
that, that the best actions of a state, and the most
plausible, and which ought to give greatest content-
ment, are taken in ill sense, and traduced: for that
shews the envy great, as Tacitus saith, conflata magna
invidia, seu bene seu male gesta premunt : [when dislike
prevails against the government, good actions and bad
offend alike.] Neither doth it follow, that because
these fames are a sign of troubles, that ^ the suppress-
ing of them with too much severity should be a remedy
of troubles. For the despising of them many times
checks them best ; and the going about to stop them
doth but make a wonder long-lived.^ Also that kind
of obedience which Tacitus speaketh of, is to be held
suspected : Erant in officio^ sed tamen qui mallent man-
data imperantium interpretari quam exequi ; [ready to
serve, and yet more disposed to construe commands
than execute them ; ] disputing, excusing, cavilling
upon mandates and directions, is a kind of shaking off
the yoke, and assay of disobedience ; especially if in
those disputings they which are for the direction speak
fearfully and tenderly, and those that are against it
audaciously.
Also, as Machiavel ^ noteth well, when princes, that
ought to be common parents, make themselves as a
party, and lean to a side, it is as a boat that is over-
thrown by uneven weight on the one side ; as was well
seen in the time of Henry the Third of France ; for
first himself entered league for the extirpation of the
Protestants ; and presently after the same league was
1 So in original. One of the tlaaU should of course be omitted.
2 nihil aliudfere efficit quam ut durent magis.
3 The Italian translation omits the name of Machiavel, and says only un
scHttore.
OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES. 125
turned upon himself. For when the authority of
princes is made but an accessary to a cause, and that
there be other bands that tie faster than the band of
sovereignty, kings begin to be put almost out of pos-
session.
Also, when discords, and quarrels, and factions, are
carried openly and audaciously, it is a sign the rever-
ence of government is lost. For the motions of the
greatest persons in a government ought to be as the
motions of the planets under primum mobile; (accord-
ing to the old opinion,) which is, that every of them is
carried swiftly by the highest motion, and softly in
their own motion.^ And therefore, when great ones
in their own particular motion move violently, and, as
Tacitus expresseth it well, liberius quam ut irnperantium
meminissent, [unrestrained by reverence for the gov-
ernment,] it is a sign the orbs are out of frame. For
reverence is that wherewith princes are girt from God ;
who threateneth^ the dissolving thereof; Solvam ein-
gula regwm : [I will unbind the girdles of kings.]
So when any of the four pillars of government are
mainly shaken or weakened (which are Religion, Jus-
tice, Counsel, and Treasure), men had need to pray for
fair weather. But let us pass from this part of predic-
tions (concerning which, nevertheless, more light may
be taken from that which followeth) ; and let us speak
first of the Materials of seditions ; then of the Motives
of them ; and thirdly of the Remedies.
Concerning the Materials of seditions. It is a thing
1 qui rapide quidem circumferuntur secundum motum primi mobilis, leniter
autem renituntur in motu propria.
2 That is, holds it out as a threat. A manuscript copy of this Essay in
an eariier form (which will be given in the Appendix) has, " who threat-
eneth the dissolving thereof as one of his greatest judgments."
OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES.
well to be considered ; for the surest way to prevent
seditions (if the times do bear it) is to take away the
matter of them. For if there be fuel prepared, it is
hard to tell whence the spark shall come that shall
set it on fire. The matter of seditions is of two
kinds ; much poverty and much discontentment. It is
certain, so many overthrown estates, so many votes for
troubles. Lucan noteth well the state of Rome before
the civil war,
Hinc usura vorax, rapidumque in tempore foenus,
Hinc concussa fides, et multis utile bellum :
[estates eaten up by usurious rates of interest, credit
shaken, war a gain to many.]
This same multis utile helium^ is an assured and in-
fallible sign of a state disposed to seditions and troubles.
And if this poverty and broken estate in the better
sort be joined with a want and necessity in the mean
people, the danger is imminent and great. For the
rebellions of the belly are the worst. As for discon-
tentments,^ they are in the politic body like to humours
in the natural, which are apt to gather a preternatural
heat and to inflame. And let no prince measure the
danger of them by this, whether they be just or unjust :
for that were to imagine people to be too reasonable ;
who do often spurn at their own good : nor yet by this,
whether the griefs whereupon they rise be in fact great
or small : for they are the most dangerous discontent-
ments where the fear is greater than the feeling :
Dolendi modus, timendi non item: [Suffering has its
limit, but fears are endless.] Besides, in great oppres-
sions, the same things that provoke the patience, do
1 alienationes animorum, et tcBdium rerum prcesentium.
OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES. 127
withal mate the courage ; but in fears it is not so.
Neither let any prince or state be secure concerning
discontentments, because they have been often, or have
been long, and yet no peril hath ensued : for as it is
true that every vapour or fume doth not turn into a
storm; so it is nevertheless true that storms, though
they blow over divers times, yet may fall at last ; and,
as the Spanish proverb noteth well. The cord hreakeih
at the last hy the weakest pull.
The Causes and Motives of seditions are, innovation
in religion ; taxes ; alteration of laws and customs ;
breaking of privileges ; general oppression ; advance-
ment of unworthy persons ; strangers ; dearths ; dis-
banded soldiers ; factions grown desperate ; and what-
soever, in offending people, joineth and knitteth them
in a common cause.
For the Remedies ; there may be some general pre-
servatives, whereof we will speak : as for the just cure,
it must answer to the particular disease ; and so be left
to counsel rather than rule.
The first remedy or prevention is to remove by all
means possible that material cause of sedition whereof
we spake ; which is, want and poverty in the estate.
To which purpose serveth, the opening and well-bal-
ancing of trade ; the cherishing of manufactures ; the
banishing of idleness ; the repressing of waste and
excess by sumptuary laws ; the improvement and hus-
banding of the soil ; the regulating of prices of things
vendible ; the moderating of taxes and tributes, and
the like. Generally, it is to be foreseen that the popu-
lation of a kingdom (especially if it be not mown down
by wars) do not exceed the stock of the kingdom
which should maintain them. Neither is the popula-
128 OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES.
tion to be reckoned only by number ; for a smaller
number that spend more and earn less, do wear out an
estate sooner than a greater number that live lower
and gather more. Therefore the multiplying of nobil-
ity and other degrees of quality in an over proportion
to the common people, doth speedily bring a state to
necessity ; and so doth likewise an overgrown clergy ;
for they bring nothing to the stock ; and in like
manner, when more are bred scholars than preferments
can take off.
It is likewise to be remembered, that forasmuch as
the increase of any estate must be upon the foreigner
(for whatsoever is somewhere gotten is somewhere
lost), there be but three things which one nation sell-
eth unto another ; the commodity as nature yieldeth
it ; the manufacture ; and the vecture, or carriage.
So that if these three wheels go, wealth will flow as
in a spring tide. And it cometh many times to pass,
that materiam super obit opus ; that the work and car-
riage is more worth than the material, and enricheth a
state more; as is notably seen in the Low-Countrymen,
who have the best mines above ground in the world.
Above all things, good policy is to be used that the
treasure and monies in a state be not gathered into few
hands. For otherwise a state may have a great stock,
and yet starve. And money is like muck, not good
except it be spread. This is done chiefly by suppress-
ing, or at the least keeping a strait hand upon the
devouring trades of usury, ingrossing,^ great pastu-
rages, and the like.
For removing discontentments, or at least the dan-
ger of them ; there is i.. every state (as we know) two
1 monqpoliorum.
OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES. 129
portions of subjects ; tlie nobless and the commonalty.
When one of these is discontent, the danger is not
great ; for common people are of slow motion, if they
be not excited by the greater sort ; and the greater
sort are of small strength, except the multitude be apt
and ready to move of themselves. Then is the dan-
ger, when the greater sort do but wait for the troubling
of the waters amongst the naeaner, that then they may
declare themselves. The poets feign, that the rest of
the gods would have bound Jupiter ; which he hearing
of, by the counsel of Pallas, sent for Briareus, with his
hundred hands, to come in to his aid. An emblem, no
doubt, to show how safe it is for monarchs to make
sure of the good will of common people.
To give moderate liberty for griefs and discontent-
ments to evaporate (so it be without too great inso-
lency or bravery), is a safe way. For he that turn-
eth the humours back, and maketh the wound bleed
inwards, endangereth malign ulcers and pernicious
imposthumation s .
The part of Epimetheus mought well become Prome-
theus, in the case of discontentments ; for there is not
a better provision against them. Epimetheus, when
griefs and evils flew abroad, at last shut the lid, and
kept hope in the bottom of the vessel. Certainly, the
politic and artificial nourishing and entertaining of
hopes, and carrying men from hopes to hopes, is one
of the best antidotes against the poison of discontent-
ments. And it is a certain sign of a wise government
and proceeding, when it can hold men's hearts by
hopes, when it cannot by satisfaction ; and when it can
handle things in such manner, as no evil shall appear
so peremptory but that it hath some outlet of hope :
130
OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES.
which is the less hard to do, because both particular
persons and factions are apt enough to flatter them-
selves, or at least to brave that they believe not.^
Also the foresight and prevention, that there be no
likely or fit head whereunto discontented persons may
resort, and under whom they may join, is a known, but
an excellent point of caution. I understand a fit head
to be one that hath greatness and reputation ; that
hath confidence with the discontented party, and upon
whom they turn their eyes ; and that is thought dis-
contented in his own particular : which kind of persons
are either to be won and reconciled to the state, and
that in a fast and true manner ; or to be fronted with
some other of the same party, that may oppose them,
and so divide the reputation. Generally, the dividing
and hreakino; of all factions and combinations that are
adverse to the state, and setting them at distance, or at
least distrust, amongst themselves, is not one of the
worst remedies. For it is a desperate case, if those
that hold with the proceeding of the state be full of
discord and faction, and those that are against it be
entire and united.
I have noted that some witty and sharp speeches
which have fallen fi-om princes have given fire to sedi-
tions. Caesar did himself infinite hurt in that speech,
Sylla neseivit literas, non potuit dictare : [Sylla was no
scholar, he could not dictate :] for it did utterly cut off
that hope which men had entertained, that he would at
one time or other give over his dictatorship. Galba
undid himself by that speech, legi a se militem, non
emi ; [that he did not buy his soldiers, but levied
them :] for it put the soldiers out of hope of the dona-
1 aut saltem ostentare^ in gloriam suam, quod non omnino credunt.
OF ATHEISM. 131
tive. Probus likewise, by that speech, si vtxero, non
opus erit amplius Romano imperio militihus ; [if I Hve,
the Roman empire shall have no more need of sol-
diers :] a speech of great despair for the soldiers. And
many the like. Surely princes had need, in tender
matters and ticklish times, to beware what they say;
especially in these short speeches, which fly abroad like
darts, and are thought to be shot out of their secret
intentions. For as for large discourses, they are flat
things, and not so much noted.
Lastly, let princes, against all events, not be without
some great person, one or rather more, of military val-
our, near unto them, for the repressing of seditions in
their beginnings. For without that, there useth to be
more trepidation in court upon the first breaking out
of troubles than were fit. And the state runneth the
danger of that which Tacitus saith ; Atque is habitus
animorum fuit^ ut pessimum faeinus auderent pauci^
plures vellent, omnes paterentur : [A few were in a
humour to attempt mischief, more to desire, all to allow
it.] But let such military persons be assured, and well
reputed of, rather than factious and popular ; holding
also good correspondence with the other great men in
the state ; or else the remedy is worse than the disease.
XVI. Of Atheism.
I HAD rather believe all the fables in the Legend,
and the Talmud, and the Alcoran,^ than that this uni-
versal fi-ame is without a mind. And therefore God
1 In the edition of 1612, it stood, " all the fables in the Legend and the
Alcoran." The Italian translation omits the Legend, and has only "tutte
le favole dell' Alcorano."
132
OF ATHEISM.
never wrought miracle to convince atheism, because
his ordinary works convince it. It is true, that a little
philosophy inclineth man's mind to atheism ; but depth
in philosophy bringeth men's minds about to religion.
For while the mind of man looketh upon second
causes scattered, it may sometimes rest in them, and go
no further ; but when it beholdeth the chain of them,
confederate and linked together, it must needs fly to
Providence and Deity. Nay, even that school which
is most accused of atheism doth most demonstrate re-
ligion ; that is, the school of Leucippus and Democri-
tus and Epicurus. For it is a thousand times more
credible, that four mutable elements, and one immu-
table fifth essence, duly and eternally placed, need no
God, than that an army of infinite small portions or
seeds unplaced, should have produced this order and
beauty without a divine marshal. The scripture saith,
The fool hath said in his hearty there is no God ; it is
not said. The fool hath thought in his heart ; so as he
rather saith it by rote to himself, as that he would
have, than that he can thoroughly believe it, or be per-
suaded of it. For none deny there is a God, but those
for whom it maketh that there were no God. It ap-
peareth in nothing more, that atheism is rather in the
lip than in the heart of man, than by this ; that athe-
ists will ever be talking of that their opinion, as if they
fainted in it within themselves, and would be glad to
be strengthened by the consent of others. Nay more,
you shall have atheists strive to get disciples, as it far-
eth with other sects. And, which is most of all,^ you
shall have of them that will suffer for atheism, and not
recant; whereas if they did truly think that there
1 gtiod monstri simile est.
OF ATHEISM. 133
were no such thing as God, why should they trouble
themselves ? Epicurus is charged that he did but dis-
semble for his credit's sake, when he affirmed there
were blessed natures, but such as enjoyed themselves
without having respect to the government of the world.
Wherein they say he did temporize ; though in secret
he thought there was no God. But certainly he is
traduced ; for his words are noble and divine : Non
Deos vulgi negare profanum ; sed vulgi opiniones Diis
applicareprofanum : [There is no profanity in refusing
to believe in the Gods of the vulgar : the profanity is
in believing of the Gods what the vulgar believe of
them.] Plato could have said no more. And al-
though he had the confidence to deny the administra-
tion, he had not the power to deny the nature. The
Indians of the west have names for their particular
gods, though they have no name for God : as if the
heathens should have had the names Jupiter, Apollo,
Mars, &c. but not the word Deus ; which shews that
even those barbarous people have the notion, though
they have not the latitude and extent of it. So that
against atheists the very savages take part with the
very subtlest philosophers. The contemplative atheist
is rare : a Diagoras, a Bion, a Lucian perhaps, and
some others ; and yet they seem to be more than they
are ; for that all that impugn a received religion or su-
perstition are by the adverse part branded with the
name of atheists. But the great atheists indeed are
hypocrites ; which are ever handling holy things, but
without feeling ; so as they must needs be cauterized in
the end. The causes of atheism are ; divisions in re-
ligion, if they be many ; for any one main division
addeth zeal to both sides ; but many divisions intro-
134
OF ATHEISM.
duce atheism. Another is, scandal of priests ; when
it is come to that which St. Bernard saith, Non est jam
dicere^ ut populus sic sacerdos ; quia nee sic populus ut
sacerdos : [One cannot now say, the priest is as the
people, for the truth is that the people are not so bad
as the priest.] A third is, custom of profane scoffing
in holy matters ; which doth by little and Httle deface
the reverence of religion. And lastly, learned times,
specially with peace and prosperity; for troubles and
adversities do more bow men's minds to relio-ion.
They that deny a God destroy man's nobility ; for cer-
tainly man is of kin to the beasts by his body ; and, if
he be not of kin to God by his spirit, he is a base and
ignoble creature. It destroys likewise magnanimity,
and the raising of human nature ; for take an example
of a dog, and mark what a generosity and courage he
will put on when he finds himself maintained by a
man ; who to him is instead of a God, or melior nor-
tura; which courage is manifestly such as that crea-
ture, without that confidence of a better nature than
his own, could never attain. So man, when he rest-
eth and assure th himself upon divine protection and
favour, gathereth a force and faith which human nature
in itself could not obtain. Therefore, as atheism is in
all respects hateful, so in this, that it depriveth human
nature of the means to exalt itself above human frailty.
As it is in particular persons, so it is in nations. Never
was there such a state for magnanimity as Rome. Of
this state hear what Cicero saith : Quam volumus licet,
patres conscripti, nos amemus, tamen nee numero Hispa-
nos, nee robore Gallos, nee ealliditate Poenos, nee artibus
Grcecos, nee denique Tioe ipso Tiujus gentis et terrce domes-
tieo nativoque sensu Italos ipsos et Latinos ; sed pietate,
OF SUPERSTITION. 135
ae religione, atque hac una sapientia^ quod Beorum im-
mortalium numine omnia regi guhernarique perspeximus,
omnes gentes nationesque superavimus : [Pride ourselves
as we may upon our country, yet are we not in num-
ber superior to the Spaniards, nor in strength to the
Gauls, nor in cunning to the Carthaginians, nor to the
Greeks in arts, nor to the Italians and Latins them-
selves in the homely and native sense which belono-s to
this nation and land ; it is in piety only and religion,
and the wisdom of regarding the providence of the Im-
mortal Gods as that which rules and governs all things,
that we have surpassed all nations and peoples.]
XVII. Or Superstition.^
It were better to have no opinion of God at all,
than such an opinion as is unworthy'^ of him. For the
one is unbelief, the other is contumely : and certainly
superstition is the reproach of the Deity. Plutarch
saitli well to that purpose : Surely (saith he) / had
rather a great deal men should say there was no such
man at all as Plutarch^ than that they should say that
there was one Plutarch that would eat his children as
soon as they were horn ; as the poets speak of Saturn.
And as the contumely is greater towards God, so the
danger is greater towards men. Atheism leaves a man
to sense, to philosophy, to natural piety, to laws, to
reputation ; ^ all which may be guides to an outward
moral virtue, though religion were not ; but super-
1 This Essay is omitted in the Italian translation.
'■i contumeliosam et Deo indignnm.
8 Atheismus non prorsus convelUt dictamina census, non philosqphiam, aff'ecttis
naturales, leges, borne famoe desiderium.
136
OF SUPERSTITION.
stition dismounts all these, and erecteth an absolute
monarchy in the minds of men. Therefore atheism
did never perturb states ;
themselves, as looking no
times inclined to atheism
Cagsar) were civil ^ times.
for it makes men wary of
further : ^ and we see the
(as the time of Augustus
But superstition hath beeji
the confusion of many states, and bringeth in a new
primum mobile, that ravisheth all the spheres of gov-
ernment. The master of superstition is the people ;
and in all superstition wise men follow fools ; and ar-
guments are fitted to practice, in a reversed order.^
It was gravely said by some of the prelates in the
council of Trent, where the doctrine of the schoolmen
bare great sway, that the schoolfnen were like astrono-
mers, which did feign eccentrics and epicycles, and such
engiiies of orbs, to save the phoinomena ; though they knew
there were no such things ; and in like manner, that the
schoolmen had framed a number of subtle and intri-
cate axioms and theorems, to save the practice of the
church. The causes of superstition are, pleasing and
sensual rites and ceremonies ; excess of outward and
Pharisaical holiness ; over-great reverence of traditions,
which cannot but load the church ; the stratagems of
prelates for their own ambition and lucre ; the favour-
ing too much of good intentions, which openeth the
gate to conceits and novelties ; * the taking an aim at
divine matters by human, which cannot but breed mix-
ture of imaginations : ^ and, lastly, barbarous times,
1 cautos et securitati siub consulentes.
2 tranquilla.
3 That is, reason is governed by practice, instead of practice by reason.
Argumenta practicw succumbunt, (yrdine perverso.
4 novitatibus et ethelothreskiis.
5 ExempJorum impor-tuna et inepta petitio ah humanis, qtwe in divina
OF TRAVEL. 137
especially joined with calamities and disasters. Super-
stition, without a veil, is a deformed thing ; for as it
addeth deformity to an ape to be so like a man, so the
similitude of superstition to religion makes it the more
defomied. And as wholesome meat corrupteth to little
worms, so good forms and orders corrupt into a number
of petty observances. There is a superstition in avoid-
ing superstition, when men think to do best if they go
furthest from the superstition formerly received ; there-
fore care would be had^ that (as it fareth in ill purg-
ings) the good be not taken away with the bad ; which
commonly is done when the people is the reformer.
XVIII. Of Travel.
Travel, in the younger sort, is a part of education ;
in the elder, a part of experience. He that travelleth
into a country before he hath some entrance into the
language, goeth to school, and not to travel. That
young men travel under some tutor, or grave servant,^
I allow well ; so that he be such a one that hath the
language, and hath been in the country before ; where-
by he may be able to tell them what things are worthy
to be seen in the country where they go ; what ac-
quaintances they are to seek ; what exercises or disci-
pline the place yieldeth. For else young men shall go
hooded, and look abroad little. It is a strange thing,
that in sea voyages, where there is nothing to be seen
but sky and sea, men should make diaries ; but in land-
transferantur^ quce necessario parit fantasiarum male cohcerentium mix-
turam.
1 curce esse debet in Religione reformandd.
2 servo aliquo experto.
138 OF TRAVEL.
travel, wherein so much is to be observed, for the most
part they omit it ; as if chance were fitter to be reg-
istered than observation. Let diaries therefore be
brought in use. The things to be seen and observed
are, the courts of princes, specially when they give
audience to ambassadors ; the courts of justice, while
they sit and hear causes ; and so of consistories ec-
clesiastic ; the churches and monasteries, with the
monuments which are therein extant ; the walls and
fortifications of cities and towns, and so the havens and
harbours ; antiquities and ruins ; libraries ; colleges,
disputations, and lectures, where any are ; shipping
and navies ; houses and gardens of state and pleasure,
near great cities ; armories ; arsenals ; magazines ; ex-
changes ; burses ; warehouses ; exercises of horseman-
ship, fencing, training of soldiers, and the like ; come-
dies, such whereunto the better sort of persons do
resort ; treasuries of jewels and robes ; cabinets and
rarities ; and, to conclude, whatsoever is memorable in
the places where they go. After all which the tutors
or servants ought to make diligent inquiry. As for tri-
umphs, masks, feasts, weddings, funerals, capital execu-
tions, and such shows, men need not to be put in mind
of them ; yet are they not to be neglected. If you will
have a young man to put his travel into a little room,
and in short time to gather much, this you must do.
First as was said, he must have some entrance into the
language before he goeth. Then he must have such a
servant or tutor as knoweth the country, as was hke-
wise said. Let him carry with him also some card
or book describing the country where he travelleth ;
which will be a good key to his inquiry. Let him keep
also a diary. Let him not stay long in one city or
OF TKAVEL. 139
town ; more or less as the place deserveth, but not
long ; nay, when he stayeth in one city or town, let
him change his lodging from one end and part of the
town to another ; which is a great. adamant of acquaint-
ance.^ Let him sequester himself from the company
of his countrymen, and diet in such places where there
is good company of the nation where he travelleth.
Let him upon his removes from one place to another,
procure recommendation to some person of quality re-
siding in the place whither he removeth ; that he may
use his favour in those thino;s he desireth to see or
know. Thus he may abridge his travel with much
profit. As for the acquaintance which is to be sought
in travel ; that which is most of all profitable, is ac-
quaintance with the secretaries and employed men of
ambassadors : for so in travelling in one country he
shall suck the experience of many. Let him also see
and visit eminent persons in all kinds, which are of
great name abroad ; that he may be able to tell how
the life agreeth with the fame.^ For quarrels, they
are with care and discretion to be avoided. They are
commonly for mistresses, healths, place, and words.
And let a man beware how he keepeth company with
choleric and quarrelsome persons ; for they will engage
him into their own quarrels. When a traveller return-
eth home, let him not leave the countries where he
hath travelled altogether behind him ; but maintain a
correspondence by letters with those of his acquaint-
ance which are of most worth. And let his travel
appear rather in his discourse than in his apparel or
1 nam et hoc certe magnes est attrahevdi familiaHtates et consuetudines .
mm complurium.
2 qyomodo os, vultus, et corporis Kneamenta et motus, respondeanifam/x.
140 OF EMPIRE.
gesture ; and in his discourse let him be rather advised
in his answers, than forward to tell stories ; and let it
appear that he doth not change his country manners
for those of foreign parts ; but only prick in some flow-
ers of that he hath learned abroad into the customs of
his own country.
XIX. Of Empire.
It is a miserable state of mind to have few things to
desire, and many things to fear ; and yet that com-
monly is the case of kings ; who, being at the highest,
want matter of desire, which makes their minds more
languishing ; and have many representations of perils
and shadows, which makes their minds the less clear.
And this is one reason also of that effect which the
Scripture speaketh of. That the hinges heart is inscru-
table. - For multitude of jealousies, and lack of some
predominant desire that should marshal and put in
order all the rest, maketh any man's heart hard to find
or sound. Hence it comes likewise, that princes many
times make themselves desires, and set their hearts
upon toys ; sometimes upon a building ; sometimes
upon erecting of an order ; sometimes upon the ad-
vancing of a person ; sometimes upon obtaining excel-
lency in some art or feat of the hand ; as Nero for
playing on the harp, Domitian for certainty of the
hand with the arrow, Commodus for playing at fence,
Caracalla for driving chariots, and the like. This
seemeth incredible unto those that know not the princi-
ple that the mind of inan is more cheered and refreshed
OF EMPIRE. 141
hy profiting ^ in small things^ than hy standing at a stay
in great. We see also that kings that have been for-
tunate conquerors in their first years, it being not pos-
sible for them to go forward infinitely, but that they
must have some check or arrest in their fortunes, turn
in their latter years to be superstitious and melancholy ;
as did Alexander the Great ; Dioclesian ; and in our
memory, Charles the Fifth ; and others : for he that is
used to go forward, and findeth a stop, falleth out of
his own favour, and is not the thing he was.
To speak now of the true temper of empire ; it is a
thing rare and hard to keep ; for both temper and dis-
temper consist of contraries. But it is one thing to
mingle contraries, another to interchange them. The
answer of ApoUonius to Vespasian is full of excellent
instruction. Vespasian asked him, what was Nero's
overthrow ? He answered, Nero could touch and tune
the harp well ; hut in government sometimes he used to
wind the pins too high., sometimes to let them down too
low. And certain it is that nothing destroyeth author-
ity so much as the unequal ^ and untimely interchange
of power pressed too far, and relaxed too much.
This is true, that the wisdom of all these latter times
in princes' affairs is rather fine deliveries and shiftings
of dangers and mischiefs when they are near, than
solid and grounded courses to keep them aloof. But
this is but to try masteries with fortune. And let men
beware how they neglect and suffer matter of trouble
to be prepared ; for no man can forbid the spark, nor
tell whence it may come. The difficulties in princes'
business are many and great ; but the greatest difficulty
"^ progrediencb.
2 incequalem et quad svbsultoriam.
142
OF EMPIRE.
mind. For it is common with
* to will contradictories, Sunt
is often in their own
princes (saith Tacitus)
pleriimque regum voluntates vehementes, et inter se corir
trance : [Their desires are commonly vehement and in-
compatible one with another.] For it is the solecism
of power, to think to command the end, and yet not to
endure the mean.
Kings have to deal with their neighbours, their
wives, their children, their prelates or clergy, their
nobles, their second-nobles or gentlemen, their mer-
chants, their commons, and their men of war; and
from all these arise dangers, if care and circumspection
be not used.
First for their neighbours ; there can no general rule
be given (the occasions are so variable,) save one,
which ever holdeth ; which is, that princes do keep
due sentinel, that none of their neighbours do over-
grow so (by increase of territory, by embracing of
trade,2 by approaches, or the like), as they become
more able to annoy them than they were. And this
is generally the work of standing counsels to foresee
and to hinder it. During that triumvirate of kings,
King Henry the Eighth of England, Francis the First
King of France, and Charles the Fifth Emperor, there
was such a watch kept, that none of the three could
win a palm of ground, but the other two would
straightways balance it, either by confederation, or, if
need were, by a war ; and would not in any wise take
up peace at interest. And the like was done by that
league (which Guicciardine saith was the security of
Italy) made between Ferdinando King of Naples,
1 Not Tacitus, but Sallust. Bell. Jug. 113.
2 commercium ad se attrahendo.
OF EMPIRE. 143
Lorenzius Medices, and Ludovicus Sforza, potentates,
the one of Florence, the other of Milan. Neither is
the opinion of some of the schoolmen to be received,
that a war cannot justly he made hut upon a precedent
injury or provocation. For there is no question but a
just fear of an imminent danger, though there be no
blow given, is a lawful cause of a war.
For their wives ; there are cruel examples of them.
Livia is infamed for the poisoning of her husband ;
Roxalana, Solyman's wife, was the destruction of that
renowned prince Sultan Mustapha, and otherwise
troubled his house and succession ; Edward the Second
of England his queen had the principal hand in the
deposing and murther of her husband. This kind of
danger is then to be feared chiefly, when the wives
have plots for the raising of their own children ; or
else that they be advoutresses.
For their children ; the tragedies likewise of dangers
from them have been many. And generally, the en-
tering of fathers into suspicion of their children hath
been ever unfortunate. The destruction of Mustapha
(that we named before) was so fatal to Solyman's line,
as the succession of the Turks from Solyman until this
day is suspected to be untrue, and of strange blood ;
for that Selymus the Second was thought to be suppo-
sitious. The destruction of Crispus, a young prince
of rare towardness, by Constantinus the Great, his
father, was in like manner fatal to his house ; for both
Constantinus and Constance, his sons, died violent
deaths ; and Constantius, his other son, did little bet-
ter ; who died indeed of sickness, but after that Juli-
anus had taken arms against him. The destruction
of Demetrius, son to Philip the Second of Macedon,
144 OF EMPIRE.
turned upon the father, who died of repentance. And
many like examples there are ; but few or none where
the fathers had good by such distrust ; except it were
where the sons were up in open arms against them ; as
was Selymus the First against Bajazet ; and the three
sons of Henry the Second, King of England.
For their prelates ; when they are proud and great,
there is also danger from them ; as it was in the times
of Anselmus and Thomas Becket, Archbishops of Can-
terbury ; who with their crosiers did almost try it with
the king's sword ; and yet they had to deal with stout
and haughty kings ; William Rufus, Henry the First,
and Henry the Second. The danger is not from that
state, but where it hath a dependance of foreign author-
ity ; or where the churchmen come in and are elected,
not by the collation of the king, or particular patrons,
but by the people.^
For their nobles ; to keep them at a distance, it is
not amiss ; ^ but to depress them, may make a king
more absolute, but less safe ; and less able to perform
any thing that he desires. I have noted it in my His-
tory of King Henry the Seventh of England, who de-
pressed his nobility ; whereupon it came to pass that
his times were full of difficulties and troubles ; for the
nobility, though they continued loyal unto him, yet did
they not co-operate with him in his business. So that
in effect he was fain to do all things himself.
For their second-nobles ; there is not much danger
1 At peiiculum huj'usmodi a Prcelatis rum est magnopere pertimescendum,
nisi ubi Clerus ah auctoritate aut jurisdictione principatus externi pendet ; aut
etiam vbi Ecdesiastici eliguntur a populo, non autem a Rege velpatronis Ec-
clesiarum.
2 Sunt itti certe cohibendi^ et tamquam injusta distantid a solio regali conti-
nendi.
OF EMPIRE. 145
from them, being a body dispersed. They may some-
times discourse high, but that doth little hurt ; besides,
they are a counterpoise to the higher nobihty, that they
grow not too potent ; ^ and, lastly, being the most im-
mediate in authority with the common people, they do
best temper popular commotions.
For their merchants ; they are vena porta ; ^ and if
they flourish not, a kingdom may have good limbs, but
will have empty veins, and nourish little. Taxes and
imposts upon them do seldom good to the king's reve-
nue ; for that that he wins in the hundred he leeseth in
the shire ; the particular rates being increased, but the
total bulk of trading rather decreased.
For their commons ; there is little danger from them,
except it be where they have great and potent heads ;
or where you meddle with the point of religion, or
their customs, or means of life.^
1 Quirdmo fovendi sunt, tanquam qui potentiam nobilitatis superioris optime
temperent, ne immodice excrescat.
2 Upon this phrase, which recurs two or three times in Bacon (see for in-
stance the History of Henry VII. p. 259. ; " being a king that loved wealth
and treasure, he could not endure to have trade sick, nor any obstruction
to continue in the gate-vein, which disperseth that blood,^'') I am indebted to
Mr. Ellis for the following characteristic note. " The metaphor," he writes,
" is historically curious ; for no one would have used it since the discovery
of the circulation of the blood and of the lacteals. But in Bacon's time it
was supposed that the chyle was taken up by the veins which converge to
the vena porta. The latter immediately divides into branches, and ulti-
mately into four ramifications, which are distributed throughout the sub-
stance of the liver, so that it has been compared to the trunk of a tree giv-
ing off roots at one extremity and branches at the other. Bacon's meaning
therefore is, that commerce concentrates the resources of a country in order
to their redistribution. The heart, which receives blood from all parts of
the body and brings it into contact with the external air, and then redis-
tributes it everywhere, would I think have taken the place of the vena
porta, after Harvey's discovery had become known ; especially as the latter
is a mere conduit, and not a source of motion."
8 vel in consuetudinibus antiquis, vel in gravaminibus tributorum, vel in aliis
quae victum eorum decurtant.
VOL. XII. 10
146 OF COUNSEL.
For their men of war ; it is a dangerous state where
they live and remain in a body,^ and are used to dona-
tives ; whereof we see examples in the janizaries, and
pretorian bands of Rome ; but trainings of men, and
arming them ^ in several places, and under several
commanders, and without donatives, are things of
defence, and no danger.
Princes are like to heavenly bodies, which cause
good or evil times ; and which have much veneration,
but no rest. All precepts concerning kings are in
effect comprehended in those two remembrances ; me^
mento quod es homo ; and memento quod es Deus^ or viee
Dei; [Remember that you are a man ; and remember
that you are a God, or God's lieutenant : ] the one
bridleth their power, and the other their will.
XX. Of Counsel.
The greatest trust between man and man is the
trust of giving counsel. For in other confidences men
commit the parts of life ; their lands, their goods, their
child,^ their credit, some particular affair ; but to such
as they make their counsellors, they commit the whole:
by how much the more they are obliged to all faith
and integrit}^ The wisest princes need not think it
any diminution to their greatness, or derogation to
fheir sufficiency, to rely upon counsel.* God himself
is not without, but hath made it one of the great names
of his blessed Son ; The Counsellor. Salomon hath pro-
1 si in corpus wnwm cogantur, vel exercitvs vel prmsidiorum.
2 militum conscnptio et ad arma tractanda instructio.
« So edd. 1612 and 1625. Ed. 1639 has children.
* si consilio virorum selectorum utantur.
OF COUNSEL. 147
nounced that in counsel is stability. Things will have
their first or second agitation : if they be not tossed
upon the arguments of counsel, they will be tossed
upon the waves of fortune ; and be full of inconstancy,
doing and undoing, like the reeling of a drunken man.
Salomon's son found the force of counsel, as his father
saw the necessity of it. For the beloved kingdom of
God was first rent and broken by ill counsel ; upon
which counsel there are set for our instruction the two
marks whereby bad counsel is for ever best discerned ;
that it was young counsel, for the persons ; and violent
counsel, for the matter.
The ancient times do set forth in figure both the
incorporation and inseparable conjunction of counsel
with kings, and the wise and politic use of counsel by
kings : the one, in that they say Jupiter did marry
Metis, which signifieth counsel ; whereby they intend
that Sovereignty is married to Counsel: the other in
that which followeth, which was thus : They say,
after Jupiter was married to Metis, she conceived by
him and was with child, but Jupiter suffered her not
to stay till she brought forth, but eat her up ; whereby
he became himself with child, and was delivered of
Pallas armed, out of his head. Which monstrous
fable containeth a secret of empire ; how kings are to
make use of their counsel of state. That first they
ought to refer matters unto them, which is the first
begetting or impregnation ; but when they are elabo-
rate, moulded, and shaped in the womb of their coun-
sel, and grow ripe and ready to be brought forth, that
then they suffer not their counsel to go through with
the resolution and direction, as if it depended on them ;
but take the matter back into their own hands, and
148 OF COUNSEL.
make it appear to the world that the decrees and final
directions (which, because they come forth with pru-
dence and power, are resembled to Pallas armed)
proceeded from themselves ; and not only from their
authority, but (the more to add reputation to them-
selves) from their head and device.
Let us now speak of the inconveniences of counsel,
and of the remedies. The inconveniences that have
been noted in calling and using counsel, are three.
First, the revealing of affairs, whereby they become
less secret. Secondly, the weakening of the authority
of princes, as if they were less of themselves.^ Thirdly,
the danger of being unfaithfully counselled, and more
for the good of them that counsel than of him that is
counselled. For which inconveniences, the doctrine
of Italy ,2 and practice of France, in some kings' times,
hath introduced cabinet counsels ; a remedy worse than
the disease.^
As to secrecy ; princes are not bound to communi-
cate all matters with all counsellors ; but may extract
and select. Neither is it necessary that he that con-
sulteth what he should do, should declare what he will
do. But let princes beware that the unsecreting of
their affairs comes not from themselves. And as for
1 ac si minus ex se penderent.
2 doctnna quorundam ex Italis. The Italian translation has T nso d' Italia
e di Francia.
8 The sentence ends here in both the printed editions. But in the manu-
script (of which an account will be given in the Appendix, and which
appears to have been written a little earlier than 1612), the following clause
is added " which hath turned Metis the wife to Metis the mistress ; that is
counsels of state, to which princes are married, to counsels of favoured per-
sons, recommended chiefly by flattery and affection." Cabinet Counsels
therefore (translated concilia interiora quce mdgo vocantur Cabinetti) are not
to be understood in the modern sense. What we call the Cabinet answers
exactly to what Bacon calls a Counsel of State.
Kjj pji ■■-■- ajw<iggg5gg>aB»gawggw
OF COUNSEL. 149
cabinet counsels, it may be their motto, plenus rimarum
mm : [they are full of leaks :] one futile person that
maketh it his glory to tell, will do more hurt than
many that know it their duty to conceal. It is true
there be some affairs which require extreme secrecy,
which will hardly go beyond one or two persons be-
sides the king : neither are those counsels unpros-
perous ; for, besides the secrecy, they commonly go on
constantly in one spirit of direction, without distraction.
But then it must be a prudent king, such as is able to
grind with a hand-mill ; ^ and those inward counsellors
had need also be wise men, and especially true and
trusty to the king's ends ; as it was with King Henry
the Seventh of England, who in his greatest business
imparted himself to none, except it were to Morton
and Fox.
For weakening of authority ; the fable ^ showeth the
remedy. Nay, the majesty of kings is rather exalted
than diminished when they are in the chair of counsel ;
neither was there ever prince bereaved of his depend-
ances ^ by his counsel ; except where there hath been
either an over-greatness in one counsellor or an over-
strict combination in divers ; which are things soon
found and holpen.
For the last inconvenience, that men will counsel
with an eye to themselves ; certainly, non inveniet fidem
super terram [he will not find faith on the earth,] is
meant of the nature of times, and not of all particular
persons. There be that are in nature faithful, and sin-
cere, and plain, and direct ; not crafty and involved ; let
1 si rexprudens sit, etproprio marte validus.
2 That is, the fable of Jupiter and Metis.
8 auctoritate stid imminutum.
150 OF COUNSEL.
princes, above all, draw to themselves such natures.
Besides, counsellors are not commonly so united, but
that one counsellor keepeth sentinel over another ; so
that if any do counsel out of faction or private ends, it
commonly comes to the king's ear. But the best rem-
edy is, if princes know their counsellors, as well as
their counsellors know them :
Principis est virtus maxima nosse suos.
And on the other side, counsellors should not be too
speculative into their sovereign's person. The true
composition of a counsellor is rather to be skilful in
their master's business, than in his nature ; for then he
is like to advise him, and not feed his humour. It is
of singular use to princes if they take the opinions of
their counsel both separately and together. For pri-
vate opinion is more free ; but opinion before others is
more reverent.^ In private, men are more bold in
their own humours ; and in consort, men are more
obnoxious to others' humours ; therefore it is good to
take both ; and of the inferior sort rather in private, to
preserve freedom ; of the greater rather in consort,
to preserve respect.^ It is in vain for princes to take
counsel concerning matters, if they take no counsel
likewise concerning persons ; for all matters are as dead
images ; and the life of the execution of aifairs resteth
in the good choice of persons. Neither is it enough to
consult concerning persons secundum genera^ as in an
idea, or mathematical description, what the kind and
character of the person should be ; for the greatest
errors are committed, and the most judgment is shown,
1 gramor.
2 ut modestius sententiam ferant.
OF COUNSEL. 151
in the choice of individuals. It was truly said, op-
timi condliarii mortui : [the best counsellors are the
dead :] books will speak plain when counsellors blanch.
Therefore it is good to be conversant in them, specially
the books of such as themselves have been actors upon
the stage. ^
The counsels at this day in most places are but
familiar meetings, where matters are rather talked on
than ' debated. And they run too swift to the order or
act of counsel. It were better that in causes of weight,
the matter were propounded one day and not spoken to
till the next day ; in node consilium : [night is the
season for counsel.] So was it done in the Commis-
sion of Union between England and Scotland ; which
was a grave and orderly assembly. I commend set
days for petitions ; for both it gives the suitors more
certainty for their attendance, and it frees the meetings
for matters of estate, that they may hoc agere. In
choice of committees for ripening business for the
counsel, it is better to choose indifferent persons, than
to make an indifferency by putting in those that are
strong on both sides. I commend also standing com-
missions ; as for trade, for treasure, for war, for suits,
for some provinces ; for where there be divers partic-
ular counsels and but one counsel of estate (as it is in
Spain), they are, in effect, no more than standing
commissions : save that they have greater authority.
Let such as are to inform counsels out of their partic-
ular professions, (as lawyers, seamen, mintmen, and
the like,) be first heard before committees ; and then,
as occasion serves, before the counsel. And let them
not come in multitudes, or in a tribunitious manner ;
1 qid et ipsi gubernacula rerum tractarunt.
152
OF DELAYS.
for that is to clamour counsels, not to inform them. A
long table and a square table, or seats about the walls,
seem things of form, but are things of substance ; for
at a long table a few at the upper end, in effect, sway
all the business ; but in the other form there is more
use of the counsellors' opinions that sit lower. A king,
when he presides in counsel, let him beware how he
opens his own inclination too much in that which he
propoundeth ; for else counsellors will but take the
wind of him,^ and instead of giving free counsel, sing
him a song of placebo.
XXI. Of Delays.
Fortune is like the market ; where many times, if
you can stay a little, the price will fall. And again, it
is sometimes like Sibylla's offer ; which at first offereth
the commodity at full, then consumeth part and part,
and still holdeth up the price. For occasion (as it is in
the common verse) turneth a hold noddle^ after she hath
presented her locks in fronts and no hold taken ; or at
least turneth the handle of the bottle first to be re-
ceived, and after the belly, which is hard to clasp.
There is surely no greater wisdom than well to time
the beginnings and onsets of things.^ Dangers are no
more light, if they once seem light ; and more dangers
have deceived men than forced them. Nay, it were
better to meet some dangers half way, though they
come nothing near, than to keep too long a watch upon
their approaches ; for if a man watch too long, it is
1 se CK? nutum ejus applicabunt.
2 quam in tempestivis negotiorum auspiciis principiisque eligendis.
OF CUNNING. 153
odds he will fall asleep. On the other side, to be de-
ceived with too long shadows (as some have been when
the moon was low and shone on their enemies' back),
and so to shoot off before the time ; or to teach dangers
to come on, by over early buckling towards them ; ^ is
another extreme. The ripeness or unripeness of the
occasion (as we said) must ever be well weighed ; and
generally it is good to commit the beginnings of all
great actions to Argos with his hundred eyes, and
the ends to Briareus with his hundred hands ; first to
watch, and then to speed. For the helmet of Pluto,
which maketh the politic man go invisible, is secrecy in
the counsel and celerity in the execution. For when
things are once come to the execution, there is no se-
crecy comparable to celerity ; like the motion of a bullet
in the air, which flieth so swift as it outruns the eye.
XXII. Of Cunning.
We take Cunning for a sinister or crooked wisdom.
And certainly there is a great difference between a
cunning man and a wise man ; not only in point of
honesty, but in point of ability. There be that can
pack the cards, and yet cannot play well ; so there are
some that are good in canvasses and factions, that are
otherwise weak men. Again, it is one thing to under-
stand persons, and another thing to understand mat-
ters ; for many are perfect in men's humours, that are
not greatly capable of the real part of business ; which
is the constitution ^ of one that hath studied men more
"^ pericula prcemature obviando accersere.
2 constiiutk) ipsissima.
154 OF CUNNING.
than books. Such men are fitter for practice than for
counsel ; and they are good but in their own alley :
turn them to new men, and they have lost their aim ;
so as the old rule to know a fool, from a wise man,
Mitte ambos nudos ad igiiotos^ et videbis, [Send them
both naked to those they know not,] doth scarce hold
for them. And because these cunning men are like
haberdashers of small wares, it is not amiss to set forth
their shop.
It is a point of cunning, to wait upon him with whom
you speak, with your eye ; ^ as the Jesuits give it in
precept : for there be many wise men that have secret
hearts and transparent countenances. Yet this would
be done with a demure abasing of your eye sometimes,
as the Jesuits also do use.
Another is, that when you have anything to obtain
of present despatch, you entertain and amuse the party
with whom you deal with some other discourse ; that
he be not too much awake to make objections. I knew
a counsellor and secretary, that never came to Queen
Elizabeth of England with bills to sign, but he would
always first put her into some discourse of estate, that
she mought the less mind the bills.
The like surprise may be made by moving things
when the party is in haste, and cannot stay to consider
advisedly of that is moved.
If a man would cross a business that he doubts some
other would handsomely and effectually move, let him
pretend to wish it well, and move it himself in such
sort as may foil it.
The breaking off in the midst of that one was
about to say, as if he took himself up, breeds a
1 ut quis vultum ejus cum quo coUoquitur limatius observet.
OF CUNNING. 155
greater appetite in him with whom you confer to
know more.
And because it works better when anything seemeth
to be gotten from you by question, than if you offer it
of yourself, you may lay a bait for a question, by show-
ing another visage and countenance than you are wont ;
to the end to give occasion for the party to ask what
the matter is of the change ? As Nehemias did ; And
I had not before that time been sad before the king.
In things that are tender and unpleasing, it is good
to break the ice by some whose words are of less
weight, and to reserve the more weightv voice to come
in as by chance, so that he may be asked the question
upon the other's speech ; as Narcissus did, in relating
to Claudius the marriage of Messalina and Silius.
In things that a man would not be seen in himself, it
is a point of cunning to borrow the name of the world ;
as to say. The world says^ or There is a speech abroad.
I knew one that, when he wrote a letter, he would
put that which was most material in the postscript, as
if it had been a bye-matter.
I knew another that, when he came to have speech,
he would pass over that that he intended most ; and go
forth, and come back again, and speak of it as of a
thing that he had almost forgot.
Some procure themselves to be surprised at such
times as it is like the party that they work upon will
suddenly come upon them ; and to be found with a
letter in their hand, or doing somewhat which they are
not accustomed ; to the end they may be apposed ^ of
those things which of themselves they are desirous to
utter.
1 ut interrogentur de its rebus.
OF CUNNING.
It is a point of cunning, to let fall those words in a
man's own name, which he would have another man
learn and use, and thereupon take advantage.^ I knew
two that were competitors for the secretary's place in
Queen Elizabeth's time, and yet kept good quarter be-
tween themselves ; ^ and would confer one with another
upon the business ; and the one of them said, That to
be a secretary in the declination of a monarch^/ was a
ticklish thing, and that he did not affect it : the other
straight caught up those words, and discoursed with
divers of his friends, that he had no reason to desire to
be secretary in the declination of a monarchy. The
first man took hold of it, and found means it was told
the Queen ; w^ho hearing of a declination of a monr
archy^ took it so ill,^ as she would never after hear of
the other's suit.
There is a cunning, which we in England call * The
turning of the cat in the pan; which is, when that
which a man says to another, he lays it as if another
had said it to him. And to say truth, it is not
easy, when such a matter passed between two, to
make it appear from which of them it first moved
and began.
It is a way that some men have, to glance and dart
at others by justifying themselves by negatives ; as to
say. This I do not ; as Tigellinus did towards Burrhus,
Se non diversas spes, sed incolumitatem imperatoris simr
pliciter spectare : [That he had not several hopes to
1 ut inde alterum irretiat et subruat.
2 qui tamen se invicem amice tractahant.
8 eaque verba ut ad Regiiue aures pervenirent, tanquam scilicet ab aUero
prolata, curavit ; quoe. indignata circa ilia verba, in Declinatione Monarchia^
cum ipsa se vigentem reputaret, &c.
•* quod Anglico pi'overbio Felem in aheno vertere satis absurde dicitur.
OF CUNNING. 157
rest on, but looked simply to the safety of the Em-
peror.]
Some have in readiness so many tales and stories, as
there is nothing they would insinuate, but they can
wrap it into a tale ; which serveth both to keep them-
selves more in guard, and to make others carry it with
more pleasure.^
It is a good point of cunning, for a man to shape the
answer he would have in his own words and propo-
sitions ; for it makes the other party stick the less.
It is strange how long some men will he in wait to
speak somewhat they desire to say ; and how far about
they will fetch ; and how many other matters they will
beat over, to come near it. It is a thing of great pa-
tience, but yet of much use.
A sudden, bold, and unexpected question doth many
times surprise a man, and lay him open. Like to him
that, having changed his name and walking in Paul's,
another suddenly came behind him and called him by
his true name, whereat straightways he looked back.
But these small wares and petty points of cunning
are infinite ; and it were a good deed to make a list of
them ; ^ for that nothing doth more hurt in a state than
that cunning men pass for wise.
But certainly some there are that know the resorts
and falls of business, that cannot sink into the main of
it;^ like a house that hath convenient stairs and en-
tries, but never a fair room. Therefore you shall see
them find out pretty looses in the conclusion, but are
1 unde et se magis in tuto continent, quasi nihil diserte affirmantes, et rem
ipsam majore cum voluptate spargi efficiunt.
2 Si quis eorum conficeret uberiorem catalogum.
3 nonnuUos negotiorum periodos et pausas nosse, qui in ipsorum viscera et
inieriora penetrare nequeunt.
158 OF WISDOM FOR A MAN'S SELF.
no ways able to examine or debate matters. And yet
commonly they take advantage of their inability, and
would be thought wits of direction.^ Some build
rather upon the abusing of others, and (as we now
say) putting tricks upon them, than upon soundness of
their own proceedings. But Salomon saith, Prudens
advertit ad gressus suos : stultus divertit ad dolos : [The
wise man taketh heed to his steps : the fool turneth
aside to deceits.]
XXIII. Of Wisdom for a Man's Self.
An ant is a wise creature for itself, but it is a shrewd
thing in an orchard or garden. And certainly men
that are great lovers of themselves waste the public.
Divide with reason between self-love and society ; and
be so true to thyself, as thou be not false to others ;
specially to thy king and country. It is a poor centre
of a man's actions, himself. It is right earth. For
that only stands fast upon his own centre ; whereas all
things that have affinity with the heavens, move upon
the centre of another, whicli they benefit. The refer-
ring of all to a man's self is more tolerable in a sover-
eign prince ; because themselves are not only themselves,
but their good and evil is at the peril of the public for-
tune. But it is a desperate evil in a servant to a prince,
or a citizen in a republic. For whatsoever affairs pass
such a man's hands, he crooketh them to his own ends ;
which must needs be often eccentric to the ends of his
1 Itaque tales videhis in concliisionibtis deliberationum commodos quosdam
exitus reperire ; ad rem vero examinandam et disceptandam nullo modo suffi-
eere. Attamen soepenuraero ex hoc re existimationem quandam aucupantwr ;
veluti ingenia quae, ad decernendum potius quam ad disputandum sint aptiora.
OF WISDOM FOR A MAN'S SELF. 159
master or state. Therefore let princes, or states, choose
such servants as have not this mark ; except they mean
their service should be made but the accessary. That
which maketh the effect more pernicious is that all pro-
portion is lost. It were disproportion enough for the
servant's good to be preferred before the master's ; but
yet it is a greater extreme, when a little good of the
servant shall carry things against a great good of the
master's. And yet that is the case of bad officers,
treasurers, ambassadors, generals, and other false and
corrupt servants ; which set a bias upon their bowl,
of their own petty ends and envies, to the overthrow
of their master's great and important affairs. And for
the most part, the good such servants receive is after
the model of their own fortune ; but the hurt they sell
for that good is after the model of their master's for-
tune. And certainly it is the nature of extreme self-
lovers, as they will set an house on fire, and it were
but to roast their eggs ; and yet these men many times
hold credit with their masters, because their study is
but to please them and profit themselves ; and for
either respect they will abandon the good of their
affairs.
Wisdom for a man's self is, in many branches there-
of, a depraved thing. It is the wisdom of rats, that
will be sure to leave a house somewhat before it fall.
It is the wisdom of the fox, that thrusts out the badger,
who digged and made room for him. It is the wisdom
of crocodiles, that shed tears when they would devour.
But that which is specially to be noted is, that those
which (as Cicero says of Pompey) are sui a7nantes,
sine rivali, [lovers of themselves without rival,] are
many times unfortunate. And whereas they have all
160 OF INNOVATIONS.
tlieir times sacrificed to tliemselves, they become in the
end themselves sacrifices to the inconstancy of fiartune ;
whose wings they thought by their self-wisdom to have
pinioned.
XXIV. Of Innovations.
As the births of living creatures at first are ill-
shapen, so are all Innovations, which are the births of
time. Yet notwithstanding, as those that first bring
honour into their family are commonly more worthy
than most that succeed, so the first precedent (if it be
good) is seldom attained by imitation.^ For 111, to
man's nature as it stands perverted, hath a natural mo-
tion, strongest in continuance ; but Good, as a forced
motion, strongest at first. Surely every medicine is an
innovation ; and he that will not apply new remedi(
must expect new evils ; for time is the greatest inno-
vator ; and if time of course alter things to the worse,
and wisdom and counsel shall not alter them to the
better, what shall be the end ? It is true, that what is
settled by custom, though it be not good, yet at least
it is fit;^ and those things which have long gone to-
gether, are as it were confederate within themselves ;
whereas new things piece not so well ; ^ but though
they help by their utility, yet they trouble by their in-
conformity. Besides, they are like strangers ; more
admired and less favoured. All this is true, if time
stood still ; which contrariwise moveth so round, that
1 Ita remm exemplaria et primordia (quando feliciter jacta sunt) imitaA^
tionem cetatis sequentis utplurimum super ant.
2 aptum esse tamen temporibus.
8 vbi contra, nova veteribus nan tisquequaque tarn concinne cohwreant.
OF DISPATCH. 161
froward retention of custom is as turbulent a thing as
an innovation ; and they that reverence too much old
times, are but a scorn to the new. It were good there-
fore that men in their innovations would follow the ex-
ample of time itself; which indeed innovate th greatly,
but quietly, and by degrees scarce to be perceived.
For otherwise, whatsoever is new is unlooked for ; and
ever it mends some, and pairs other ; and he that is
holpen takes it for a fortune, and thanks the time ; and
he that is hurt, for a wrong, and imputeth it to the au-
thor. It is good also not to try experiments in states,^
except the necessity be urgent, or the utility evident ;
and well to beware that it be the reformation that
draweth on the change, and not the desire of change
that pretendeth the reformation. And lastly, that the
novelty, though it be not rejected, yet be held for a
suspect; and, as the Scripture saith, that we make a
stand upon the ancient way^ and then look about us, and
discover what is the straight and right way, and so to
walk in it.
XXV. Of Dispatch.
Affected dispatch ^ is one of the most dangerous
things to business that can be. It is like that which
the physicians call predigestion, or hasty digestion ;
which is sure to fill the body full of crudities and secret
seeds of diseases. Therefore measure not dispatch by
the times of sitting, but by the advancement of the
business. And as in races it is not the large stride or
1 in corporibus politicis medendis.
2 celeritas nimia et affectata.
VOL. XII. 11
162 OF DISPATCH.
high lift that makes the speed ; so in business, the keep-
ing close to the matter, and not taking of it too much
at once, procureth dispatch. It is the care of some
only to come off speedily^ for the time; or to contrive
some false periods of business, because they may seem
men of dispatch. But it is one thing to abbreviate by
contracting, another by cutting off. And business so
handled at several sittings or meetings goeth commonly
backward and forward in an unsteady manner. I
knew a wise man that had it for a by-word, when he
saw men hasten to a conclusion, Stay a little^ that we
may make an end the sooner.
On the other side, true dispatch is a rich thing. For
time is the measure of business, as money is of wares ;
and business is bought at a dear hand where there is
small dispatch. The Spartans and Spaniards have been
noted to be of small dispatch ; Mi venga la muerte de
Spagna ; Let my death come from Spain ; for then it
will be sure to be long in coming.
Give good hearing to those that give the first infor-
mation in business ; and rather direct them in the
beginning, than interrupt them in the continuance of
their speeches ; for he that is put out of his own order
will go forward and backward, and be more tedious
while he waits upon his memory, than he could have
been if he had gone on in his own course. But some-
times it is seen that the moderator is more troublesome
than the actor.
Iterations are commonly loss of time. But there is
no such gain of time as to iterate often the state of the
question ; for it chaseth away many a frivolous speech
as it is coming forth. Long and curious speeches are
1 ut brevi tempore multum confecisse videantur.
OF DISPATCH. 163
as fit for dispatch, as a robe or mantle with a long train
is for race. Prefaces and passages,^ and excusations,
and other speeches of reference to the person, are great
wastes of time ; and though they seem to proceed of
modesty, they are bravery .^ Yet beware of being too
material ^ when there is any impediment or obstruction
in men's wills ; for pre-occupation of mind ever requir-
eth preface of speech ; like a fomentation to make the
unguent enter.
Above all things, order, and distribution, and sin-
gling out of parts, is the life of dispatch ; so as the
distribution be not too subtle : for he that doth not
divide will never enter well into business ; and he that
divideth too much will never come out of it clearly.
To choose time is to save time ; and an unseasonable
motion is but beating the air. There be three parts of
business ; the preparation, the debate or examination,
and the perfection. Whereof, if you look for dispatch,
let the middle only be the work of many, and the first
and last the work of few. The proceeding upon some-
what conceived in writing doth for the most part facili-
tate dispatch : for though it should be wholly rejected,
yet that negative is more pregnant of direction^ than
an indefinite ; as ashes are more generative than dust.
1 transitiones bellce.
2 glcn'ioke captatrices.
8 That is, of keeping too close to the matter. Cave ne in rem ipsam ah
initio descendas.
^plus valebit ad consilia educenda.
164
OF SEEMING WISE.
XXVI. Of Seeming Wise.
It hath been an opinion, that the French are wiser
than they seem, and the Spaniards seem wiser than
they are. But howsoever it be between nations, cer-
tainly it is so between man and man. For as the
Apostle saith of godliness, Having a shew of godliness^
hut denying the fower thereof ; so certainly there are in
point of wisdom and sufficiency, that do nothing or
little very solemnly : ^ magno conatu nugas. It is a
ridiculous thing and fit for a satire to persons of judg-
ment, to see what shifts these formalists have, and what
prospectives 2 to make superficies to seem body that
hath depth and bulk. Some are so close and reserved,
as they will not shew their wares but by a dark light ;
and seem always to keep back somewhat ; and when
they know within themselves they speak of that they
do not well know, would nevertheless seem to others to
know of that which they may not well speak. Some
help themselves with countenance and gesture, and are
wise by signs ; as Cicero saith of Piso, that when he
answered him, he fetched one of his brows up to his
forehead, and bent the other down to his chin ; Hesjjon-
des, altero adfrontem sublato, altero ad mentum depresso
supercilio, crudelitatem tibi non placere. Some think to
bear it ^ by speaking a great word, and being peremp-
tory; and go on, and take by admittance that which
they cannot make good.^ Some, whatsoever is beyond
their reach, will seem to despise or make light of it as
1 ita certe inveniuntur nonnulU qui nugantur solemniter, quum prudentea
minime sint.
2 et quali utantur arte quasi prospectivd.
8 se valere putant.
4 itaque nihil morantur, etpro admissis accipiunt qticeprobare nonpossunt.
OF FRIENDSHIP.
165
impertinent or cm*ious ; and so would have their igno-
rance seem judgment. Some are never without a differ-
ence, and commonly by amusing men with a subtilty,
blanch the matter ; ^ of whom A. Gellius saith, JSomi-
nem delirum, qui verhorum miiiutiis rerum frangit pon-
dera : [a trifler, that with verbal points and niceties
breaks up the mass of matter]. Of which kind also,
Plato in his Protagoras bringeth in Prodicus in scorn,
and maketh him make a speech that consisteth of dis-
tinctions from the beginning to the end. Generally,
such men in all deliberations find ease to be of the
negative side, and affect a credit to object and foretell
difficulties ; for when propositions are denied, there is
an end of them ; but if they be allowed, it requireth a
new work ; which false point of wisdom is the bane of
business. To conclude, there is no decaying merchant,
or inward beggar,^ hath so many tricks to uphold the
credit of their wealth, as these empty persons have to
maintain the credit of their sufficiency. Seeming wise
men may make shift to get opinion ; ^ but let no man
choose them for employment ; for certainly you were
better take for business a man somewhat absurd than
over-formal.*
XXVII. Of Friendship.
It had been hard for him that spake it to have put
more truth and untruth together in few words, than in
1 rem prcetervehuntur.
2 decoctor rei familiaiis occultus.
3 Certe homines hac prudentia prasditi qpinionem vulgi facile aucupari
possunt.
4 quam hujusmodi fcn^iaUstam fastidiosum.
166 OF FRIENDSHIP.
that speech, Whosoever is delighted in solitude is either a
wild beast or a god. For it is most true that a natural
and secret hatred and aversation towards society in any
man, hath somewhat of the savage beast ; but it is
most untrue that it should have any character at all
of the divine nature ; except it proceed, not out of a
pleasure in solitude, but out of a love and desire to
sequester a man's self for a higher conversation : such
as is found to have been falsely and feignedly in some
of the heathen ; as Epimenides the Candian, Numa the
Roman, Erapedocles the Sicilian, and Apollonius of
Tyana ; and truly and really in divers of the ancient
heiTnits and holy fathers of the church. But little do
men perceive what solitude is, and how far it extend-
eth. For a crowd is not company ; and faces are but
a gallery of pictures ; and talk but a tinkhng cymbal,
where there is no love. The Latin adage meeteth with
it a little : Magna civitas, magna solitudo ; [a great
to\\Ti is a great solitude ; ] because in a great town
friends are scattered ; so that there is not that fellow-
ship, for the most part, which is in less neighbourhoods.
But we may go further, and affirm most truly that it
is a mere and miserable solitude to want time friends ;
without which the world is but a wilderness ; and even
in this sense also of solitude, whosoever in the frame
of his nature and affections is unfit for friendsliip, he
taketh it of the beast, and not from humanity.
A principal fniit of friendship is the ease and dis-
charge of the fulness and swellings of the heart, which
passions of all kinds do cause and induce. We know
diseases of stoppings and suffocations are the most dan-
gerous in the body ; and it is not much otherwise in
the mind ; you may take sarza to open the liver, steel
OF FRIENDSHIP.
167
to open the spleen, flower^ of sulphur for the lungs,
castoreum for the brain ; but no receipt openeth the
heart, but a true friend ; to whom you may impart
griefs, joys, fears, hopes, suspicions, counsels, and what-
soever lieth upon the heart to oppress it, in a kind of
civil shrift or confession.
It is a strange thing to observe how high a rate
great kings and monarchs do set upon this finiit of
friendship whereof we speak : so great, as they pur-
chase it many times at the hazard of their own safety
and greatness. For princes, in regard of the distance
of their fortune from that of their subjects and servants,
cannot gather this fruit, except (to make themselves
capable thereof) they raise some persons to be as it
were companions and almost equals to themselves,
which many times sorteth to inconvenience. The
modem languages give unto such persons the name of
favourites, or privadoes ; as if it were matter of grace,
or conversation. But the Roman name attaineth the
true use and cause thereof, naming them partidpes
curarum ; for it is that which tieth the knot. And we
see plainly that this hath been done, not by weak and
passionate princes only,^ but by the wisest and most
pohtic that ever reigned ; who have oftentimes joined
to themselves some of their servants ; whom both
themselves have called friends, and allowed others like-
wise to call them in the same manner ; using the word
which is received between private men.
L. Sylla, when he commanded Rome, raised Pom-
pey (after sumamed the Great) to that height, that
Pompey vaunted himself for Sylla's over-match. For
1 So Ed. 1639. The original edition has/oit'era.
2 delicatos et imbeciUls animi.
168
OF FRIENDSHIP.
when he had carried the consulship for a friend of his,^
against the pursuit of Sylla, and that Sjlla did a little
resent thereat, and began to speak great, Pompey
turned upon him again, and in effect bade him be
quiet ; for that Trwre men adored the sun rising than the
sun setting. With Julius Caesar, Decimus Brutus had
obtained that interest, as he set him down in his testa-
ment for heir in remainder after his nephew. And
this was the man that had power with him to draw
him forth to his death. For when Csesar would have
discharged the senate, in regard of some ill presages,
and specially a dream of Calpurnia ; this man lifted
him gently by the arm out of his chair, telling him he
hoped he would not dismiss the senate ^ till his wife had
dreamt a better dream. And it seemeth his favour
was so great, as Antonius, in a letter which is recited
verbatim in one of Cicero's Philippics, calleth him vene-
fica, witch ; as if he had enchanted Caesar. Augustus
raised Agrippa (though of mean birth) to that height,
as when he consulted with Maecenas about the mar-
riage of his daughter Julia, Maecenas took the liberty
to tell him, that he must either marry his daughter to
Agrippa^ or take away his life : there was no third way^
he had made him so great. With Tiberius Caesar,
Sejanus had ascended to that height,^ as they two were
termed and reckoned as a pair of friends. Tiberius in
a letter to him saith, hoic pro amicitid nostra non occul-
tavi ; [these things, as our friendship required, I have
not concealed from you ; ] and the whole senate dedi-
1 Lepidus. See Plutarch in Pompey. But the occasion on which Pom-
pey made the remark in question was Sylla's opposition to his triumph.
2 eum 7ion senatum tam parvi habiturum, ut dimittere ilium vellet, &c.
3 Tiberius Ccesar Sejanum tantis honoribus auxit.
OF FRIENDSHIP. 169
cated an altar to Friendship, as to a goddess, in respect
of the great dearness of friendship between them two.
The hke or more was between Septimius Severus and
Plautianus.^ For he forced his eldest son to marry the
daughter of Plautianus ; and would often maintain
Plautianus in doing affronts to his son ; ^ and did write
also in a letter to the senate, by these words : I love the
man so well^ as I wish he may over-live me. Now if
these princes had been as a Trajan or a Marcus Aure-
lius, a man might have thought that this had proceeded
of an abundant goodness of nature ; but being men so
wise, of such strength and severity of mind, and so
extreme lovers of themselves, as all these were, it prov-
eth most plainly that they found their own felicity
(though as great as ever happened to mortal men) but
as an half piece, except they mought have a friend to
make it entire ; and yet, which is more, they were
princes that had wives, sons, nephews ; and yet all
these could not supply the comfort of friendship.
It is not to be forgotten what Comineus observeth of
his first master, Duke Charles the Hardy ; namely,
that he would communicate his secrets with none ; and
least of all, those secrets which troubled him most.
Whereupon he goeth on and saith that towards his
latter time that closeness did impair and a little perish
his U7ider standing. Surely Comineus mought have
made the same judgment also, if it had pleased him, of
his second master Lewis the Eleventh, whose closeness
was indeed his tormentor. The parable of Pythagoras
is dark, but true ; Cor ne edito : Eat not the heart.
1 Plantianus in the original, and also in Ed. 1689, and in the Latin trans-
lation, in all the places.
2 Plantiarmm smpe, etiam cum confumdia filii std^ Jionornvit.
170
OF FRIENDSHIP.
Certainly, if a man would give it a hard phrase, those
that want friends to open themselves unto are canni-
bals of their own hearts. But one thing is most
admirable (wherewith I will conclude this first fruit
of friendship), which is, that this communicating of a
man's self to his friend works two contrary effects ; for
it redoubleth joys, and cutteth griefs in halfs. For
there is no man that imparteth his joys to his friend,
but he joyeth the more : and no man that imparteth
his griefs to his friend, but he grieveth the less. So
that it is in truth of operation upon a man's mind, of
like virtue as the alchymists use to attribute to their
stone for man's body ; that it worketh all contrary
effects, but still to the good and benefit of nature.
But yet without praying in aid of alchymists, there is
a manifest image of this in the ordinary course of
nature. For in bodies, union strengtheneth and cher-
isheth any natural action ; and on the other side weak-
eneth and dulleth any violent impression : and even so
it is of minds.
The second fruit of fi'iendship is healthful and sov-
ereign for the understanding, as the first is for the
affections. For friendship maketh indeed a fair day
in the affections, from storm and tempests ; but it
maketh daylight in the understanding, out of darkness
and confusion of thoughts. Neither is this to be un-
derstood only of faithful counsel, which a man receiv-
eth from his friend ; but before you come to that,
certain it is that whosoever hath his mind fraught with
many thoughts, his wits and understanding do clarify
and break up, in the communicating and discoursing
with another; he tosseth his thoughts more easily ; he
marshalleth them more orderly ; he seeth how they
OF FRIENDSHIP. 171
look when they are turned into words : finally, he
waxeth wiser than himself ; and that more by an
hour's discourse than by a day's meditation. It was
well said by Themistocles to the king of Persia, That
speech was like cloth of Arras, opened and put abroad;
whereby the imagery doth appear in figure; whereas in
thoughts they lie but as in packs. Neither is the second
fruit of friendship, in opening the understanding, re-
strained only to such friends as are able to give a man
counsel ; (they indeed are best ; ) but even without
that, a man learneth of himself, and bringeth his own
thoughts to light, and whetteth his wits as against a
stone, which itself cuts not. In a word, a man were
better relate himself to a statua or picture, than to
suffer his thoughts to pass in smother.
Add now, to make this second fruit of friendship
complete, that other point which lieth more open and
falleth within vulgar observation ; which is faithful
counsel from a friend. Heraclitus saith well in one of
his enigmas. Dry light is ever the best. And certain it
is, that the light that a man receiveth by counsel from
another, is drier and purer than that which cometh
from his own understanding and judgment ; which is
ever infused and drenched in his affections and cus-
toms. So as there is as much difference between the
counsel that a friend giveth, and that a man giveth
himself, as there is between the counsel of a friend and
of a flatterer. For there is no such flatterer as is a
man's self; and there is no such remedy against flat-
tery of a man's self, as the liberty of a friend. Counsel
is of two sorts : the one concerning manners, the other
concerning business. For the first, the best preserv-
ative to keep the mind in health is the faithful admo-
172 OF FRIENDSHIP.
nition of a friend. The calling of a man's self to a
strict account is a medicine, sometime, too piercing and
corrosive. Reading good books of morality is a little
flat and dead. Observing our faults in others is some-
times improper for our case.^ But the best receipt
(best, I say, to work, and best to take) is the admo-
nition of a friend. It is a strange thing to behold what
gross errors and extreme absurdities many (especially
of the greater sort) do commit, for want of a friend to
tell them of them ; to the great damage both of their
fame and fortune : for, as St. James saith, they are
as men that look sometimes into a glass ^ and presently
forget their oivn shape and favour. As for business, a
man may think, if he will, that two eyes see no more
than one ; or that a gamester seeth always more than
a looker-on ; or that a man in anger is as wise as he
that hath said over the four and twenty letters ; or
that a musket may be shot off as well upon the arm
as upon a rest ; and such other fond and high imagi-
nations, to think himself all in all. But when all is
done, the help of good counsel is that which setteth
business straight. And if any man think that he will
take counsel, but it shall be by pieces ; asking counsel
in one business of one man, and in another business of
another man ; it is well, (that is to say, better perhaps
than if he asked none at all ; ) but he runneth two
dangers : one, that he shall not be faithfully coun-
selled ; for it is a rare thing, except it be from a per-
fect and entire friend, to have counsel given, but such
as shall be bowed and crooked to some ends which he
hath that giveth it. The other, that he shall have
1 observatio propriorum defectuum in aliis, tanquam in speculo, aliquando,
utfit etiam in speculis, minus respondet.
OF FRIENDSHIP. 1T3
counsel given, hurtful and unsafe, (though with good
meaning,) and mixed partly of mischief and partly of
remedy ; even as if you would call a physician that
is thought good for the cure of the disease you com-
plain of, but is unacquainted with your body ; and
therefore may put you in way for a present cure, but
overthroweth your health in some other kind ; and so
cure the disease and kill the patient. But a friend
that is wholly acquainted with a man's estate will be-
ware^ by furthering any present business, how he dash-
eth upon other inconvenience. And therefore rest not
upon scattered counsels ; they will rather distract and
mislead, than settle and direct.
After these two noble fruits of friendship, (peace in
the affections, and support of the judgment,) followeth
the last fruit ; which is like the pomegranate, full of
many kernels ; I mean aid and bearing a part in all
actions and occasions. Here the best way to represent
to life the manifold use of friendship, is to cast and see
how many things there are which a man cannot do
himself; and then it will appear that it was a sparing
speech of the ancients, to say, that a friend is another
himself ; for that a friend is far more than himself.
Men have their time, and die many times in desire of
some things which they principally take to heart ; the
bestowing of a child, the finishing of a work, or the
like. If a man have a true friend, he may rest almost
secure that the care of those things will continue after
him. So that a man hath, as it were, two lives in his
desires. 1 A man hath a body, and that body is con-
1 adeo ut fatum immaturum vix obsit; atque haieat quis {ut hquamur more
tribulum aut Jirmariorum) in desideriis suis terminum non unius sed duarum
vitarum.
174 OF EXPENSE.
fined to a place ; but where friendship is, all offices of
life are as it were granted to him and his deputy. For
he may exercise them by his friend. How many
things are there which a man cannot, with any face
or comeliness, say or do himself ? A man can scarce
allege his own merits with modesty, much less extol
them ; a man cannot sometimes brook to supplicate or
beg ; and a number of the like. But all these things
are graceftil in a friend's mouth, which are blushing in
a man's own. So again, a man's person hath many
proper relations which he cannot put off. A man
cannot speak to his son but as a father ; to his wife
but as a husband ; to his enemy but upon terms :
whereas a friend may speak as the case requires, and
not as it sorteth with the person. But to enumerate
these things were endless ; I have given the rule,
where a man cannot fitly play his own part ; if he
have not a friend, he may quit the stage.
XXVIII. Of Expense.
Riches are for spending, and spending for honour
and good actions. Therefore extraordinary expense
must be limited ^ by the worth of the occasion ; for
voluntary undoing may be as well for a man's country
as for the kingdom of heaven. But ordinary expense
ought to be limited by a man's estate ; and governed
with such regard, as it be within his compass ; and not
subject to deceit and abuse of servants ; and ordered to
the best shew, that the bills may be less than the esti-
mation abroad. Certainly, if a man will keep but of
1 commenswrandi.
OF EXPENSE. 175
even hand,^ liis ordinary expenses ought to be but to
the half of his receipts ; and if he think to wax rich,
but to the third part. It is no baseness for the greatest
to descend and look into their own estate. Some for-
bear it, not upon negligence alone, but doubting to
bring themselves into melancholy, in respect they shall
find it broken. But wounds cannot be cured without
searching. He that cannot look into his own estate at
all, had need both choose well those whom he employ-
eth, and change them often ; for new are more timor-
ous and less subtle. He that can look into his estate
but seldom, it behoveth him to turn all to certainties. ^
A man had need, if he be plentiful in some kind of
expense, to be as saving again in some other. As if he
be plentiful in diet, to be saving in apparel ; if he be
plentiful in the hall, to be saving in the stable ; and the
like. For he that is plentiful in expenses of all kinds
will hardly be preserved from decay. In clearing of a
man's estate, he may as well hurt himself in being too
sudden, as in letting it run on too long. For hasty
selling is commonly as disadvantageable as interest.
Besides, he that clears at once will relapse ; for finding
himself out of straits, he will revert to his customs :
but he that cleareth by degrees induceth a habit of
frugality, and gaineth as well upon his mind as upon
his estate. Certainly, who hath a state to repair, may
not despise small things ; and commonly it is less dis-
honourable to abridge petty charges, than to stoop to
petty gettings. A man ought warily to begin charges
which once begun will continue : but in matters that
return not he may be more magnificent.
1 qui diminutionem fortunarum suarumpati nolit.
2 qwcB computationi subjacent, in certos reditus atque etiam sumptus vertere.
176 OF THE TRUE GREATNESS
XXIX. Of the True Greatness of Kingdoms
AND Estates.
The speech of Themistocles the Athenian, which
was haughty and arrogant in taking so much to him-
self,^ had been a grave and wise observation and cen-
sure, applied at large to others. Desired at a feast
to touch a lute, he said. He could not fiddle^ hut yet he
could make a small town a great city. These words
(holpen a little with a metaphor 2) may express two
differing^ abilities in those that deal in business of
estate. For if a true survey be taken of counsellors
and statesmen, there may be found (though rarely)
those which can make a small state great, and yet
cannot fiddle : as on the other side, there will be found
a great many that can fiddle very cunningly,* but yet
are so far from being able to make a small state great,
as their gift lieth the other way ; to bring a great and
flourishing estate to ruin and decay. And, certainly
those degenerate arts and shifts, whereby many coun-
sellors and governors gain both favour with their
masters and estimation with the vulgar, deserve no
better name than fiddling ; being things rather pleas-
ing for the time, and graceful to themselves only, than
tending to the weal and advancement of the state
which they serve. There are also (no doubt) coun-
sellors and governors which may be held sufficient
(negotiis pares) ^ able to manage affairs, and to keep
them from precipices and manifest inconveniences ;
1 sibi ipsi appUcatum, incivile certefuii et inflatum.
2 ad sensum politicum translata.
8 muUum inter se discrepantes.
* in cithara aut lyra {hoc est aulicis tricis) min artifices.
OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES. 177
which nevertheless are far from the ability to raise
and amplify an estate in power, means, and fortune.
But be the workmen what they may be, let us speak
of the work ; that is, the true Greatness of Kingdoms
and Estates, and the means thereof. An argument fit
for great and mighty princes to have in their hand ;
to the end that neither by over-measuring their forces,
they leese themselves in vain enterprises ; nor on the
other side, by undervaluing them, they descend to
fearful and pusillanimous counsels.
The greatness of an estate in bulk and territory,
doth fall under measure ; and the greatness of finances
and revenew doth fall under computation. The popu-
lation may appear by musters ; and the number and
greatness of cities and towns by cards and maps. But
yet there is not any thing amongst civil affairs more
subject to error, than the right valuation and true
judgment concerning the power and forces of an
estate. The kingdom of heaven is compared, not to
any- great kernel or nut, but to a grain of mustard-
seed ; which is one of the least grains, but hath in it
a property and spirit hastily to get up and spread. So
are there states great in territory, and yet not apt to
enlarge or command ; ^ and some that have but a small
dimension of stem, and yet apt to be the foundations of
great monarchies.
Walled towns, stored arsenals and armories, goodly
races of horse, chariots of war, elephants, ordnance,
artillery, and the like ; all this is but a sheep in a lion's
skin, except the breed and disposition of the people be
stout and warlike. Nay, number (itself) in armies
importeth not much, where the people is of weak
1 latius imperandum.
VOL. XII. 12
178 OF THE TRUE GREATNESS
coui'age ; for (as Virgil saith) It never troubles a wolf
how many the sheep he. The army of the Persians in
the plains of Arbela was such a vast sea of people,
as it did somewhat astonish the commanders in Alex-
ander's army ; who came to him therefore, and wished
him to set upon them by night ; but he answered,
He would not pilfer the victory. And the defeat was
easy.^ When Tigranes the Armenian, being encamped
upon a hill with four hundred thousand men, discov-
ered the army of the Romans, being not above fourteen
thousand, marching towards him, he made himself
merry with it, and said, Yondefr men are too many for
an ambassage, and too few for a fight. But before the
sun set, he found them enow to give him the chase
with infinite slaughter. Many are the examples of the
great odds between number and courage : so that a
man may truly make a judgment, that the principal
point of greatness in any state is to have a race of
military men.^ Neither is money the sinews of war
(as it is trivially said,^) where the sinews of men's
arms, in base and effeminate people, are failing. For
Solon said well to Croesus (when in ostentation he
shewed him his gold. Sir., if any other come that hath
better iron than you., he will be master of all this gold.
Therefore let any prince or state think soberly of his
forces, except his militia of natives be of good and
valiant soldiers. And let princes, on the other side,
that have subjects of martial disposition, know their
own strength ; unless they be otherwise wanting unto
1 Ea autem etiam opinixme fuit fadlior.
2 Primo igitur pro re certissimd et exploratissimd decematur et statuatur,
quod caput omnium quoe ad magnititdinem I'egni aut status spectant, sit ut
populus ipse sit stirpe et ingenio bellicosus.
3 Atque illud magis tritum quam verum, quod ne'rvi belli sint pecuniai.
OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES.
179
themselves. As for mercenary forces (which is the
help in this case), all examples show that whatsoever
estate or prince doth rest upon them, he may spread his
feathers for a time^ hut he ivill mew them soon after.
The blessing of Judah and Issachar will never meet ;
that the same people or nation should he hoth the lion's
whelp and the ass hetween hurthens ; neither will it be,
that a people overlaid with taxes should ever become
valiant and martial. It is true that taxes levied by
consent of the estate do abate men's courage less : as
it hath been seen notably in the excises of the Low
Countries ; and, in some degree, in the subsidies of
England. For you must note that we speak now of
the heart and not of the purse. So that although the
same tribute and tax, laid by consent or by imposing,
be all one to the purse, yet it works diversly upon the
courage. So that you may conclude, that no people
over-charged ivith trihute is fit for empire.
Let states that aim at greatness, take heed how their
nobility and gentlemen do multiply too fast. For that
maketh the common subject grow to be a peasant and
base swain, driven out of heart, and in effect but the
gentleman's labourer. Even as you may see in cop-
pice woods ; if you leave your staddles ^ too thick, you
shall never have clean underwood,^ but shrubs and
bushes. So in countries, if the gentlemen be too
many, the commons will be base ; and you will bring
it to that, that not the hundred poll will be fit for
an helmet ; especially as to the infantry, which is the
nerve of an army ; and so there will be great popu-
lation and little strength. This which I speak of hath
1 catidicum, dve arborum majorum.
2 non renascitur sylva sincera autpura.
180 OF THE TRUE GREATNESS
been no where better seen than by comparing of Eng-
land and France ; whereof England, though far less in
territory and population, hath been (nevertheless) an
over-match ; in regard the middle people of England
make good soldiers, which the peasants of France do
not. And herein the device of king Henry the Sev-
enth (whereof I have spoken largely in the history of
his life) was profound and admirable ; in making farms
and houses of husbandry of a standard ; that is, main-
tained with such a proportion of land unto them, as
may breed a subject to live in convenient plenty and
no servile condition ; and to keep the plough in the
hands of the owners, and not mere hirelings.^ And
thus indeed you shall attain to Virgil's character which
he gives to ancient Italy :
Terra potens armis atque ubere glebae :
[A land powerful in arms and in productiveness of
soil.] Neither is that state (which, for any thing I
know, is almost peculiar to England, and hardly to be
found any where else, except it be perhaps in Poland)
to be passed over ; I mean the state of free servants
and attendants upon noblemen and gentlemen ; which
are no ways inferior unto the yeomanry for arms.^
And therefore out of all question, the splendour and
magnificence and great retinues and hospitality of
noblemen and gentlemen, received into custom, doth
much conduce unto martial greatness. Whereas, con-
1 quce haheant cerium, eumque mediocrem, agri modum annexum, qui dis-
trahi rum possit ; eo fine ut ad victum liberiorem sufficiat ; atque agricuUiera
ab Us exerceretur, qui domini fuerint fwndi, aut saltern usu-fructu/irii, rum
conductitii aut mercenarii.
2 hujus enim generis etiam inferiores, quoad peditatum, agricolis ipsis min-
ime cedunt
OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES. 181
trariwise, the close and reserved living of noblemen
and gentlemen causeth a penury of military forces.
By all means it is to be procured, that the trunk of
Nebuchadnezzar's tree of monarchy be great enough to
bear the branches and the boughs ; that is, that the
natural subjects of the crown or state bear a sufficient
proportion to the stranger subjects that they govern.^
Therefore all states that are liberal of naturalization
towards strangers are fit for empire.^ For to think
that an handful of people can, with the greatest cour-
age and policy in the world, embrace too large extent
of dominion, it may hold for a time, but it will fail sud-
denly.^ The Spartans were a nice people in point of
naturalization ; * whereby, while they kept their com-
pass, they stood firm ; but when they did spread, and
their boughs were becomen too great for their stem,^
they became a windfall upon the sudden. Never any
state was in this point so open to receive strangers into
their body as were the Romans. Therefore it sorted
with them accordingly ; for they grew to the greatest
monarchy. Their manner was to grant naturalisation
(which they called jus civitatis)^ and to grant it in the
highest degree ; that is, not only jus commercii, jus con-
nubii, jus hcereditatis ; but also jus suffragii^ and jus
Twnorum.^ And this not to singular persons alone, but
likewise to whole famihes ; yea to cities, and sometimes
to nations. Add to this their custom of plantation of
1 ad stihditos extraneos cohibendos satis superque mffidat.
2 ad imperii magnitudinem bene comparati sunt.
8 diuturnitatem hcec res non assequitur.
4 parci et difficiles in cooptandis novis civibus.
6 et latius dominari quam ut stirps Spartanorum turbam exterorum imperio
commode coercere posset.
^ jus petitionis sive honorum.
182 OF THE TRUE GREATNESS
colonies ; whereby the Roman plant was removed into
the soil of other nations. And putting both constitu-
tions together, you will say that it was not the Romans
that spread upon the world, but it was the world that
spread upon the Romans ; and that was the sure way
of greatness. 1 have marvelled sometimes at Spain,
how they clasp and contain so large dominions with so
few natural Spaniards ; but sure the whole compass of
Spain is a very great body of a tree ; far above Rome
and Sparta at the first. And besides, though they
have not had that usage to naturalise liberally, yet
they have that which is next to it ; that is, to employ
almost indifferently all nations in their militia of ordi-
nary soldiers ; yea and sometimes in their highest
commands.^ Nay it seemeth at this instant they are
sensible of this want of natives ; as by the Pragmat-
ical Sanction, now published,^ appeareth.
It is certain, that sedentary and within-door arts,
and delicate manufactures (that require rather the fin-
ger than the arm), have in their nature a contrariety
to a military disposition. And generally, all warlike
people are a little idle, and love danger better than
travail. Neither must they be too much broken of it,
if they shall be preserved in vigour. Therefore it was
great advantage in the ancient states of Sparta, Ath-
ens, Rome, and others, that they had the use of slaves,
which commonly did rid those manufactures.^ But
1 quinetiam summum belli imperium haud raro ad duces natione non His-
panos deferunt.
2 hoc anno promulgata. A royal decree, or pragmdtica, was published in
the summer of 1622, which gave certain privileges to persons who married,
and further immunities to those who had six children. See Mr. Ellis's note,
Vol. I. p. 798.
8 qtiorum laboriims istiusmodi officia expediebantw.
OF KINGDOxMS AND ESTATES.
183
that is abolished, in greatest part, by the Christian
law. That which cometh nearest to it, is to leave
those arts chiefly to strangers (which for that purpose
are the more easily to be received), and to contain the
principal bulk of the vulgar natives within those three
kinds, — tillers of the ground ; free servants ; and
handicraftsmen of strong and manly arts, as smiths,
masons, carpenters, &c. : not reckoning professed sol-
diers.
But above all, for empire and greatness, it importeth
most, that a nation do profess arms as their principal
honour, study, and occupation. For the things which
we formerly have spoken of are but habilitations tow-
ards arms ; and what is habilitation without intention
and act ? ^ Romulus, after his death (as they report
or feign), sent a present to the Romans, that above all
they should intend arms ; and then they should prove
the greatest empire of the world. The fabric of the
state of Sparta was wholly (though not wisely) framed
and composed to that scope and end.^ The Persians
and Macedonians had it for a flash. The Gauls, Ger-
mans, Goths, Saxons, Normans, and others, had it for
a time. The Turks have it at this day, though in
great declination.^ Of Christian Europe, they that
have it are, in eifect, only the Spaniards. But it is so
plain that every man projiteth in that he most intendeth,
that it needeth not to be stood upon. It is enough to
1 Quorsum autem habilitas, si non rei ipsi incumbitur ut producatur in
actum ?
2 ut cives mi helligeratores essent.
3 Persartim et Macedonum idem erat insiitutum, sed non tarn constans aut
diuturnum. Britanni, Galli, Germani^ Goti, Saxones, Normanni, et nonnuUi
alii etiam ad tempus armis se prcecipue dediderunt. Turcce idem institutmn,
lege sudpaululum extimulati, hodie retinent, sed m,agna cum militlce {ut nunc
est) decUnatione,
184 OF THE TRUE GREATNESS
point at it ; that no nation which doth not directly pro-
fess arms,^ may look to have greatness fall into their
mouths. And on the other side, it is a most certain
oracle of time, that those states that continue long in
that profession (as the Romans and Turks principally
have done) do wonders.^ And those that have pro-
fessed arms hut for an age, have notwithstanding
commonly attained that greatness in that age which
maintained them long after, when their profession and
exercise of arms hath grown to decay.
Incident^ to this point is, for a state to have those
laws or customs which may reach forth unto them just
occasions (as may be pretended) * of war. For there
is that justice imprinted in the nature of men, that they
enter not upon wars (whereof so many calamities do
ensue) but upon some, at the least specious, grounds
and quarrels. The Turk hath at hand, for cause of
war, the propagation of his law or sect ; a quarrel that
he may always command. The Romans, though they
esteemed the extending the limits of their empire to be
great honour to their generals when it was done, yet
they never rested upon that alone to begin a war. First
therefore, let nations that pretend to greatness have
this ; that they be sensible of wrongs, either upon bor-
derers, merchants, or politic ministers ; and that they
sit not too long upon a provocation. Secondly, let
them be prest ^ and ready to give aids and succours to
their confederates ; as it ever was with the Romans ;
insomuch, as if the confederates had leagues defensive
1 iisque prcecipue studeai et incumbat.
2 miros in imperio amplificaTido /acere progressus.
8 affine.
4 aut saltern prcetextus.
'^ prompta sit.
OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES.
185
with divers other states, and, upon invasion offered, did
implore their aids severally,^ yet the Romans would
ever be the foremost, and leave it to none other to have
the honour. As for the wars which were anciently
made on the behalf of a kind of party, or tacit con-
formity of estate,^ I do not see how they may be well
justified : as when the Romans made a war for the
liberty of Graecia ; or when the Lacedaemonians and
Athenians made wars to set up or pull down democ-
racies and oligarchies ; or when wars were made by
foreigners, under the pretence of justice or protection,
to dehver the subjects of others from tyranny and
oppression ; and the like. Let it suffice, that no estate
expect to be great, that is not awake upon any just
occasion of arming.
No body can be healthful without exercise, neither
natural body nor politic ; and certainly to a kingdom
or estate, a just and honourable war is the true exer-
cise. A civil war indeed is like the heat of a fever ;
but a foreign war is like the heat of exercise, and serv-
eth to keep the body in health ; for in a slothful peace,
both courages will effeminate and manners corrupt.
But howsoever it be for happiness, without all ques-
tion, for greatness it maketh, to be still for the most
part in arms ; and the strength of a veteran army
(though it be a chargeable business) always on foot, is
that which commonly giveth the law, or at least the
reputation, amongst all neighbour states ; ^ as may well
be seen in Spain, which hath had, in one part or other,
1 si forte in populum fosderatum, cui eiiam cum aliisfcedus defensivum inteV'
cederet, hostilis impressio facta esset, atque ille aplurimis suppetias peteret.
^propter statuum confarmitatem quandam aut correspondentiam tacitam.
8 ut statui alicui quasi arhitrium rei'um inter mcinos, aut saltern plurimum
existimationis ad omnia conferat.
186
OF THE TRUE GREATNESS
a veteran army almost continually, now by the space
of six score years.
To be master of the sea is an abridgment of a mon-
archy. Cicero, writing to Atticus of Pompey his prep-
aration against Caesar, saith. Consilium Pompeii plane
Themistocleum est; putat enim, qui mari potitur, eurn
rerum potiri ; [Pompey is going upon the policy of
Themistocles ; thinking that he who commands the
sea commands all.] And, without doubt, Pompey had
tired out Caesar, if upon vain confidence he had not
left that way. We see the great effects of battles by
sea. The battle of Actium decided the empire of the
world. The battle of Lepanto arrested the greatness
of the Turk. There be many examples where sea-
fights have been final to the war ; but this is when
princes or states have set up their rest upon the battles.
But thus much is certain, that he that commands the
sea is at great liberty, and may take as much and as
little of the war as he will. Whereas those that be
strongest by land are many times nevertheless in great
straits. Surely, at this day, with us of Europe, the
vantage of strength at sea (which is one of the prin-
cipal dowries of this kingdom of Great Britain) is
great ; ^ both because most of the kingdoms of Europe
are not merely inland, but girt with the sea most part
of their compass ; and because the wealth of both In-
dies seems in great part but an accessary to the com-
mand of the seas.
The wars of latter ages seem to be made in the dark,
in respect of the glory and honour which reflected
upon men fi:'om the wars in ancient time. There be
1 At hodie atque apud nos Europmos, si unquam aut uspiam, potentia nava-
lis summi ad rerum fastigia momenti est.
OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES. 187
now, for martial encouragement, some degrees and
orders of chivalry; which nevertheless are conferred
promiscuously upon soldiers and no soldiers ; and some
remembrance perhaps upon the scutcheon ; and some
hospitals for maimed soldiers ; and such like things.
But in ancient times, the trophies erected upon the
place of the victory ; the funeral laudatives and monu-
ments for those that died in the wars ; the crowns and
garlands personal ; ^ the style of Emperor, which the
great kings of the world after borrowed ; the triumphs
of the generals upon their return ; the great donatives
and largesses upon the disbanding of the armies ; were
things able to inflame all men's courages.^ But above
all, that of the Triumph, amongst the Romans, was
not pageants or gaudery, but one of the wisest and
noblest institutions that ever was. For it contained
three things : honour to the general ; riches to the
treasury out of the spoils ; and donatives to the army.
But that honour perhaps were not fit for monarchies ;
except it be in the person of the monarch himself, or
his sons ; as it came to pass in the times of the Roman
emperors, who did impropriate the actual triumphs to
themselves and their sons, for such wars as they did
achieve in person ; and left only, for wars achieved by
subjects, some triumphal garments and ensigns to the
general.
To conclude : no man can by care taking (as the
Scripture saith) add a cubit to his stature^ in this little
model of a man's body ; but in the great frame of
kingdoms and commonwealths, it is in the power of
1 Coronce civias, militare$, singulis concessce.
■2 HcBC {inquam) tot et tanta fuerunt, et tarn insigni splendore coruscantia, ut
pectori/ms mortalium etiam maxime conglaciatis igniculos svbdere, eaque ad
bellum inflammare potuerint.
188
OF REGIMENT OF HEALTH.
princes or estates to add amplitude and greatness
their kingdoms ; for by introducing such ordinances,
constitutions, and customs, as we have now touched,
they may sow greatness to their posterity and succes-
sion. But these things are commonly not observed,
but left to take their chance.
XXX. Of Regiment of Health.
There is a wisdom in this beyond the rules of phy-
sic : a man's own observation, what he finds good of,
and what he finds hurt of, is the best physic to pre-
serve health. But it is a safer conclusion to say, This
agreeth not well with me, therefore I will not continue it;
than this, I find no offence of this, therefore I may use
it. For strength of nature in youth passeth over
many excesses, which are owing a man till his age.
Discern of the coming on of years, and think not to do
the same things still ; for age will not be defied. Be-
ware of sudden change in any great point of diet, and
if necessity inforce it, fit the rest to it. For it is a
secret both in nature and state, that it is safer to
change many things than one.^ Examine thy customs
of diet, sleep, exercise, apparel, ^ and the like ; and try,
in any thing thou shalt judge hurtful, to discontinue it
by little and little ; but so, as if thou dost find any in-
convenience by the change, thou come back to it again :
for it is hard to distinguish that which is generally held
good and wholesome,^ from that which is good particu-
1 quam unum magnum.
2 The translation adds mansionis.
8 quce toto genere sunt salvbria.
OF REGIMENT OF HEALTH. 189
larly, and fit for thine own body. To be free-minded
and cheerfully disposed at hours of meat and of sleep
and of exercise, is one of the best precepts of long
lasting. As for the passions and studies of the mind ;
avoid envy ; anxious fears ; anger fi-etting inwards ; ^
subtle and knotty inquisitions ; joys and exhilarations
in excess ; sadness not communicated. Entertain
hopes ; mirth rather than joy ; variety of delights,
rather than surfeit of them ; wonder and admiration,
and therefore novelties ; studies that fill the mind with
splendid and illustrious objects, as histories, fables, and
contemplations of nature. If you fly physic in health
altogether, it will be too strange for your body when
you shall need it. If you make it too familiar, it will
work no extraordinary effect when sickness cometh. I
commend rather some diet for certain seasons, than
frequent use of physic, except it be grown into a cus-
tom. For those diets alter the body more, and trouble
it less. Despise no new accident in your body, but
ask opinion 2 of it. In sickness, respect health prin-
cipally ; and in health, action. ^ For those that put
their bodies to endure in health, may in most sicknesses,
which are not very sharp, be cured only with diet and
tendering. Celsus could never have spoken it as a
physician, had he not been a wise man withal, when he
giveth it for one of the great precepts of health and
lasting, that a man do vary and interchange contraries,
but with an inclination to the more benign extreme :
use fasting and full eating, but rather full eating;
watching and sleep, but ra,tV.^x sleep ; sitting and exer-
1 iram intus cohibitam.
2 consilium medicorum.
8 corpore ttto utere, nee sis nimis deUcatus*
190
OF SUSPICION.
cise, but rather exercise ; and the like. So shall nature
be cherished, and yet taught masteries.^ Physicians
are some of them so pleasing and conformable to the
humour of the patient, as they press not the true cure
of the disease ; and some other are so regular in pro-
ceeding according to art for the disease, as they respect
not sufficiently the condition of the patient. Take one
of a middle temper ; or if it may not be found in one
man, combine two of either sort ; and forget not to
call as well the best acquainted with your body, as the
best reputed of for his faculty.
XXXI. Of Suspicion.
Suspicions amongst thoughts are like bats amongst
birds, they ever fly by twilight. Certainly they are to
be repressed, or at the least well guarded : for they
cloud the mind ; they leese friends ; and they check
with business, whereby business cannot go on currently
and constantly. They dispose kings to tyranny, hus-
bands to jealousy, wise men to irresolution and melan-
choly. They are defects, not in the heart, but in the
brain ; for they take place in the stoutest natures ; as
in the example of Henry the Seventh of England,
There was not a more suspicious man, nor a more
stout. And in such a composition they do small hurt.
For commonly they are not admitted, but with exami-
nation, whether they be likely or no ? But in fearful
natures they gain ground too fast. There is nothing
makes a man suspect much, more than to know little ;
and therefore men should remedy suspicion by procur-
1 robur acquiret
OF DISCOURSE. 191
ing to know more, and not to keep their suspicions in
smother.' What would men have? Do they think
those they employ and deal with are saints ? Do they
not think they will have their own ends, and be truer
to themselves than to them ? Therefore there is no
better way to moderate suspicions, than to account
upon such suspicions as true and yet to bridle them as
false.'^ For so far a man ought to make use of suspi-
cions, as to provide, as if that should be true that he
suspects, yet it may do him no hurt. Suspicions that
the mind of itself gathers are but buzzes ; but suspi-
cions that are artificially nourished, and put into men's
heads by the tales and whisperings of others, have
stings. Certainly, the best mean to clear the way in
this same wood of suspicions, is frankly to communi-
cate them with the party that he suspects ; for thereby
he shall be sure to know more of the truth of them
than he did before ; and withal shall make that party
more circumspect not to give further cause of suspicion.
But this would not be done to men of base natures ;
for they, if they find themselves once suspected, will
never be true. The Italian says, Sospetto licentia fede ;
as if suspicion did give a passport to faith ; but it ought
rather to kindle it to discharge itself.
XXXII. Of Discourse.
Some in their discourse desire rather commendation
of wit, in being able to hold all arguments, than of
1 ut quis inquisitionem urgeat. Fumo enim ei tenebris aluntur suspiciones.
2 remedia parare ac si suspiciones essent verce ; its verofrcena injicere, ac
si essent fnlsce.
192 OF DISCOURSE.
judgment, in discerning what is true ; as if it were a
praise to know what might be said, and not what
should be thought. Some have certain common places
and themes wherein they are good, and want variety ; ^
which kind of poverty is for the most part tedious, and
when it is once perceived, ridiculous. The honour-
ablest part of talk is to give the occasion ; and again to
moderate and pass to somewhat else ; for then a man
leads the dance. It is good, in discourse and speech of
conversation, to vary and intermingle speech of the
present occasion with arguments, tales with reasons,
asking of questions with telling of opinions, and jest
with earnest : for it is a dull thing to tire, and, as we
say now, to jade, any thing too far.^ As for jest,
there be certain things which ought to be privileged
from it ; namely, religion, matters of state, great per-
sons, any man's present business of importance, and
any case that deserveth pity. Yet there be some that
think their wits have been asleep, except they dart out
somewhat that is piquant, and to the quick. That is a
vein which would be bridled ;
Parce, puer, stimulis, et fortius utere loris.
And generally, men ought to find the diiference be-
tween saltness and bitterness. Certainly, he that hath
a satirical vein, as he maketh others afraid of his wit,
so he had need be afraid of others' memory. He that
questioneth much, shall learn much, and content much ;
but especially if he apply his questions to the skill of
the persons whom he asketh ; for he shall give them
occasion to please themselves in speaking, and himself
1 ccetera steriles et jejuni.
2 satietatem enim etfastidium parity in aliqw svbjecto diutius hcerere.
OF DISCOURSE. 193
shall continually gather knowledge. But let his ques-
tions not be troublesome ; for that is fit for a poser.^
And let him be sure to leave other men their turns to
speak.2 Nay, if there be any that would reign and
take up all the time, let him find means to take them
off, and to bring others on ; as musicians use to do
with those that dance too long galliards. If you dis-
semble sometimes your knowledge of that you are
thought to know, you shall be thought another time to
know that you know not. Speech of a man's self
ought to be seldom, and well chosen. I knew one was
wont to say in scorn, He must needs he a wise man^ he
speaks so much of himself : and there is but one case
wherein a man may commend himself with good grace ;
and that is in commending virtue in another ; espe-
cially if it be such a virtue whereunto himself pretend-
eth. Speech of touch towards others ^ should be spar-
ingly used ; for discourse ought to be as a field, without
coming home to any man.^ I knew two noblemen, of
the west part of England, whereof the one was given
to scoff, but kept ever royal cheer in his house ; the
other would ask of those that had been at the other's
table. Tell truly^ was there never a flout or dry blow
given ? To which the guest would answer. Such and
such a thing passed. The lord would say, I thought he
would mar a good dinner.^ Discretion of speech is
1 TTiat is, an examiner. Id enim examinatori convenit.
2 Etiam qui sermonis familial^ dignitatem tueri cupit, aliis vices loquendi
relinqvMt.
3 alios pung ens et vellicans.
4 instar campi aperti in quo spatiari licet^ non vice regies qum deducit domum,
(a translation in which it seems to me that the point of the original is
partly missed; the " via regia " introducing an idea alien to the sense, as I
understand it).
5 at ille, utpote alterius cemulus, satis sciebam eum prandium honum malis
condimentis cormpturum.
VOT^. XTT. 13
194
OF PLANTATIONS.
more than eloquence ; and to speak agreeably to hii
with whom we deal, is more than to speak in good
words or in good order. A good continued speech,
without a good speech of interlocution, shews slow-
ness ; and a good reply or second speech, without a
good settled speech, sheweth shallowness and weakness.
As we see in beasts, that those that are weakest in the
course, are yet nimblest in the turn ; as it is betwixt
the greyhound and the hare. To use too many cir-
cumstances ere one come to the matter, is wearisome ;
to use none at all, is blunt.
XXXIII. Of Plantations.^
Plantations are amongst ancient, primitive, and
heroical works.^ When the world was young it begat
more children ; but now it is old it begets fewer : for I
may justly account new plantations to be the children
of former kingdoms. I like a plantation in a pure soil ;
that is, where people are not displanted to the end to
plant in others. For else it is rather an extirpation
than a plantation. Planting of countries is like plant-
ing of woods ; for you must make account to leese
almost twenty years profit, and expect your recom-
pense in the end.^ For the principal thing that hath
been the destruction of most plantations, hath been the
base and hasty drawing of profit in the first years. It
is true, speedy profit is not to be neglected, as far as
1 De Plantationibiis populorum et coloniis. This Essay seems to have been
carefully translated; and revised in the translation, probably by Bacon
himself.
2 Cokmice eminent inter antiqua et heroica opera.
3 verwm fructus vber et locuples in fine operis expectandus.
OF PLANTATIONS. 195
may stand with the good of the plantation, but no fur-
ther. It is a shameful and unblessed thing to take the
scum of people, and wicked condemned men, to be the
people with whom you plant ; and not only so, but it
spoileth the plantation ; for they will ever live like
rogues, and not fall to work, but be lazy, and do mis-
chief, and spend victuals, and be quickly weary, and
then certify over to their country to the discredit of the
plantation. The people wherewith you plant ought to
be gardeners, ploughmen, labourers, smiths, carpenters,
joiners, fishermen, fowlers, with some few apothecaries,
surgeons, cooks, and bakers.^ In a country of planta-
tion,'^ first look about what kind of victual ^ the country
yields of itself to hand; as chestnuts, walnuts, pine-
apples, olives, dates, plums, cherries, wild honey, and
the like ; and make use of them. Then consider what
victual or esculent things there are, which grow speed-
ily, and within the year ; as parsnips, carrots, turnips,
onions, radish,* artichokes of Hierusalem, maize, and
the hke. For wheat,^ barley, and oats, they ask too
much labour ; but with pease and beans you may be-
gin, both because they ask less labour, and because
they serve for meat as well as for bread. And of rice
likewise cometh a great increase, and it is a kind of
meat. Above all, there ought to be brought store of
biscuit, oat-meal, flour, meal, and the like, in the begin-
ning, till bread may be had. For beasts, or birds, take
chiefly such as are least subject to diseases, and mul-
tiply fastest ; as swine, goats, cocks, hens, turkeys,
1 The translation adds, cervisiarii, et hujusmodi.
2 In regione vM plantar e instituis.
3 quod genus esculentorum et poculentorum.
4 The translation adds, melones, pepones, cucvmeres.
6 The translation adds, siliquam.
196
OF PLANTA1
geese, house-doves,^ and the Hke. The victual in plan-
tations ought to be expended almost as in a besieged
town ; that is, with certain allowance. And let the
main part of the ground employed to gardens or corn,
be to a common stock ; and to be laid in, and stored
up, and then delivered out in proportion ; besides some
spots of ground that any particular person will manure
for his own private. Consider likewise what commodi-
ties the soil w^here the plantation is doth naturally yield,
that they may some way help to defray the charge of
the plantation, (so it be not, as was said, to the un-
timely prejudice of the main business,) as it hath fared
with tobacco in Virginia.^ Wood commonly abound-
eth but too much ; ^ and therefore timber is fit to be
one. If there be iron ore,* and streams whereupon to
set the mills, iron is a brave commodity where wood
aboundeth. Making of bay-salt,^ if the climate be
proper for it, would be put in experience. Growing
silk likewise, if any be, is a likely commodity. Pitch
and tar, where store of firs and pines are, will not fail.
So drugs and sweet woods, where they are, cannot
but yield great profit. Soap-ashes likewise, and other
things that may be thought of. But moil not too much
under ground ; for the hope of mines is very uncertain,
and useth to make the planters lazy in other things.^
1 The translation adds, rabbits : cunicuU.
2 ut expoi'tatio eo7mm in loca vbi maxime in pretio sunt sumptus levet ; ut
muvenit in Nicotiano apud Jiirginiam ; modo non sit, &c. I have inserted
the marks of parenthesis, which are not in the original ; the construction
being ambiguous without them.
8 The words "but too much," are omitted in the translation.
4 Spelt ure in the original ; as the same word is in one place in the manu-
script of the History of Henry VII. The translation has vena feri-i.
5 Salis nigri confectioper vigor em solis.
« verum fodinis ne conjidas nindum, prcesertim a principio. Fodince enim
OF PLANTATIONS. 197
For government, let it be in the hands of one, assisted
with some counsel ; and let them have commission
to exercise martial laws, with some limitation. And
above all, let men make that profit of being in the
wilderness, as they have God always, and his service,
before their eyes. Let not the government of the
plantation depend upon too many counsellors and un-
dertakers in the country that planteth, but upon a tem-
perate number ; ^ and let those be rather noblemen and
gentlemen, than merchants ; for they look ever to the
present gain. Let there be freedoms from custom, till
the plantation be of strength ; and not only freedom
from custom, but freedom to carry their commodities
where they may make their best of them, except there
be some special cause of caution. Cram not in people,
by sending too fast company after company ; but rather
barken how they waste, and send supplies proportion-
ably ; but so as the number may live well in the plan-
tation, and not by surcharge be in penury. It hath
been a great endangering to the health of some planta-
tions, that they have built along the sea and rivers, in
marish and unwholesome grounds. Therefore, though
you begin there, to avoid carriage and other like dis-
commodities, yet build still rather upwards from the
streams, than along. It concerneth likewise the health
of the plantation that they have good store of salt with
them, that they may use it in their victuals, when it
shall be necessary.^ If you plant where savages are,
fallaces sunt ei sumptuosoe, et spe pulchrA lactantes, colonos reddunt circa alia
socordes.
1 Rursus, Colonia a numerosiore concilio {vntelligo in regione matre colonize
residente) nonpendeat; nee oh contnbutiones exiguas multitudini nimice svb-
Jiciatur ; sed sit numerus eoi^um qui cohniam procurant et ordinant moderatus.
2 quo cibi, quos verisimile estputridos aliter scepefuturos, condiantur.
198
OF RICHES.
do not only entertain them with trifles and gingles ;
but use them justly and graciously, with sufficient
guard nevertheless ; and do not win their favour by
helping them to invade their enemies, but for their de-
fence it is not amiss ; and send oft of them over to the
country that plants, that they may see a better con-
dition than their own, and commend it when they re-
turn. When the plantation grows to strength, then it
is time to plant with women as well as with men ; that
the plantation may spread into generations,^ and not be
ever pieced from without. It is the sinfuUest thing in
the world to forsake or destitute a plantation once in
forwardness ; for besides the dishonour, it is the guilti-
ness of blood of many commiserable persons.^
XXXIV. Or Riches.
I CANNOT call Riches better than the baggage of
virtue. The Roman word is better, impedimenta.
For as the baggage is to an army, so is riches to y'iy-
tue. It cannot be spared nor left behind, but it hin-
dereth the march ; ^ yea and the care of it sometimes
loseth or disturbeth the victory. Of great riches there
is no real use, except it be in the distribution ; the rest
is but conceit. So saith Salomon, Where much is, there
are many to consume it; and what hath the owner hut
the sight of it with his eyes f The personal fruition in
any man cannot reach to feel great riches : * there is
1 ex sese prqpagetur.
2 nil alivd est quam proditio mera, profusioque sanguinis compluinum homi-
num miserorum.
3 necessarice siquidem sunt, sed graves.
^Possessio divitiarum nulla voluptate dominumperfundit, quantum adsensum.
OF RICHES. 199
a custody of them ; or a power of dole and donative
of them ; or a fame of them ; but no solid use to the
owner. Do you not see what feigned prices are set
upon little stones and rarities ? and what works of
ostentation are undertaken, because there might seem
to be some use of great riches ? But then you will
say, they may be of use to buy men out of dangers
or troubles. As Salomon saith, Riches are as a strong
hold, in the imagination of the rich man. But this is
excellently expressed,^ that it is in imagination, and
not always in fact. For certainly great riches have
sold more men than they have bought out. Seek
not proud riches, but such as thou mayest get justly,
use soberly, distribute cheerfully, and leave content-
edly. Yet have no abstract nor friarly^ contempt of
them. But distinguish, as Cicero saith well of Rabirius
Posthumus, In studio rd amplijieandce apparebat, non
avaritice prcedam, sed instrumentum honitati quoeri ; [In
seeking to increase his estate it was apparent that he
sought not a prey for avarice to feed on, but an instru-
ment for goodness to work with.] Hearken also to
Salomon, and beware of hasty gathering of riches ;
Qui festinat ad divitias, non erit ijisons : [He that
maketh haste to be rich shall not be innocent.] The
poets feign, that when Plutus (which is Riches) is sent
from Jupiter, he limps and goes slowly ; but when he
is sent from Pluto, he runs and is swift of foot. Mean-
ing that riches gotten by good means and just labour
pace slowly ; but when they come by the death of
others (as by the course of inheritance, testaments,
and the hke), they come tumbling upon a man. But
1 sed caute Salomon.
2 instar monachi alicujus aut a sceculo abstracti.
OF RICHl
it mought be applied likewise to Pluto, taking him for
the devil. For when riches come from the devil (as
by fraud and oppression and unjust means), they come
upon speed. The ways to enrich are many, and most
of them foul. Parsimony is one of the best, and yet
is not innocent ; for it withholdeth men from works
of liberality and charity. The improvement of the
ground is the most natural obtaining of riches ; for it
is our great mother's blessing, the earth's ; but it is
slow. And yet where men of great wealth do stoop to
husbandry, it multiplieth riches exceedingly. I knew
a nobleman in England, that had the greatest audits of
any man in my time ; a great grazier, a great sheep-
master, a great timber man,^ a great collier, a great
corn-master, a great lead-man, and so of iron, and a
number of the like points of husbandry. So as the
earth seemed a sea to him, in respect of the perpetual
importation. It was tnily observed by one, that him-
self came very hardly to a little riches, and very easily
to great riches. For when a man's stock is come to
that, that he can expect the prime of markets, and
overcome those bargains which for their greatness are
few men's money, and be partner in the industries of
younger men,^ he cannot but increase mainly. The
gains of ordinary trades and vocations are honest ; and
furthered by two things chiefly : by diligence, and by a
good name for good and fair dealing. But the gains
of bargains ^ are of a more doubtful nature ; when
men shall wait upon others' necessity, broke by ser-
vants and instruments to draw them on,* put off others
1 dives sylvis tam cceduis quam grandioribm.
2 etiam in laboi'ibus aliorum participare qui minus pecunid abundant.
8 lucra ex contractibiis mnjoribus.
4 servos et ministros alienos in damnum dominorum corrumpat.
OF RICHES. 201
cunningly that would be better chapmen, and the like
practices, which are crafty and naught.^ As for the
chopping of bargains, when a man buys not to hold
but to sell over again, that commonly grindeth double,
both upon the seller and upon the buyer. Sharings
do greatly enrich, if the hands be well chosen that
are trusted. Usury is the certainest means of gain,
though one of the worst ; as that whereby a man doth
eat his bread in sudor e vultm alieni ; [in the sweat of
another man's face;] and besides, doth plough upon
Sundays. But yet certain though it be, it hath flaws ;
for that the scriveners and brokers do value unsound
men ^ to serve their own turn. The fortune in being
the first in an invention or in a privilege, doth cause
sometimes a wonderful overgrowth in riches ; as it was
with the first sugar man in the Canaries. Therefore
if a man can play the true logician, to have as well
judgment as invention, he may do great matters ;
especially if the times be fit. He that resteth upon
gains certain, shall hardly grow to great riches ; and
he that puts all upon adventures, doth oftentimes break
and come to poverty : ^ it is good therefore to guard
adventures with certainties, that may uphold losses.
Monopolies, and coemption of wares for re-sale, where
they are not restrained, are great means to enrich ;
especially if the party have intelligence what things
are like to come into request, and so store himself
beforehand. Riches gotten by service, though it be
of the best rise,* yet when they are gotten by flattery,
1 qiwi omnes merito damnandce sunt.
2 homines Jbrtunarum dvbiarum quandoque extollent.
8 vix foi'tunarum dispendia vitabit.
•* Opum acquisitio per servitium regum aut magnatum dignitatem dliquam
habet.
202 OF RICHES.
feeding humours, and other servile conditions, they
may be placed amongst the worst. As for fishing for
testaments and executorships (as Tacitus saith of Sen-
eca, testamenta et orbos tamquam indagine capi^) it
is yet worse ; by how much men submit themselves
to meaner persons than in service. Believe not much
them that seem to despise riches ; for they despise
them that despair of them ; and none worse when
they come to them,^ Be not penny- wise ; riches have
wings, and sometimes they fly away of themselves,
sometimes they must be set flying to bring in more.
Men leave their riches either to their kindred, or to
the public ; '^ and moderate portions prosper best in
both. A great state left to an heir, is as a lure to all
the birds of prey round about to seize on him, if he
be not the better stablished in years and judgment.
Likewise glorious gifts and foundations are like sacri-
fices without salt; and but the painted sepulchres of
alms, which soon will putrefy and corrupt inwardly.
Therefore measure not thine advancements by quan-
tity, but frame them by measure : ^ and defer not
charities till death ; for, certainly, if a man weigh it
rightl}^, he that doth so is rather liberal of another
man's than of his own.
^ neque invenies usquam tenaciores, ubi incipient ditescere.
2 aut vsui publico, aut liberis, cognatis, et amicis.
3 dona tua magnititdine ne metiatis, sed commoditate ; et ad debitam mensu-
ram redigas.
OF PROPHECIES. 203
XXXV. Of Prophecies.^
I MEAN not to speak of divine prophecies ; nor of
heathen oracles ; nor of natural predictions ; but only
of prophecies that have been of certain memory, and
from hidden causes. Saith the Pythonissa to Saul,
To-rtwrrow thou and thy son shall he with me. Homer
hath these verses :
At domus ^neae cunctis dominabitur oris,
Et nati natorum, et qui nascentur ab illis.
[The house of jJEneas shall reign in all lands, and his
children's children, and their generations.] A pro-
phecy, as it seems, of the Roman empire. Seneca the
tragedian hath these verses :
Venient annis
Saecula seris, quibus Oceanus
Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens
Pateat Tellus, Tiphysque novos "
Detegat orbes ; nee sit terris
Ultima Thule:
[There shall come a time when the bands of ocean
shall be loosened, and the vast earth shall be laid
open ; another Tiphys shall disclose new worlds, and
lands shall be seen beyond Thule : ] a prophecy of the
discovery of America. The daughter of Polycrates
dreamed that Jupiter bathed her father, and Apollo
anointed him ; and it came to pass that he was cruci-
fied in an open place, where the sun made his body
run with sweat, and the rain washed it. Philip of
Macedon dreamed he sealed up his wife's belly ;
whereby he did expound it, that his wife should be
barren ; but Aristander the soothsayer told him his
1 There is no Latin translation of this Essay.
204 OF PROPHECIES.
wife was with child, because men do not use to seal
vessels that are empty. A phantasm that appeared
to M. Brutus in his tent, said to him, Philijypis iter am
me videbis : [Thou shall see me again at Philippi.]
Tiberius said to Galba, Tu quoque^ Galha^ degustaUs
imperium : [Thou likewise shall taste of empire.] In
Vespasian's time, there went a prophecy in the East,
that those that should come forth of Judea should reign
over the world: which though it may be was meant
of our Saviour, yet Tacitus expounds it of Vespasian.
Domitian dreamed, the night before he was slain, that
a golden head was growing out of the nape of his
neck : and indeed the succession that followed him,
for many years, made golden times. Henry the Sixth
of England said of Henry the Seventh, when he was
a lad, and gave him water. This is the lad that shall
enjoy the crown for which we strive. When I was in
France, I heard from one Dr. Pen a, that the Queen
Mother, who was given to curious arts, caused the
King her husband's nativity to be calculated, under a
false name ; and the astrologer gave a judgment, that
he should be killed in a duel ; at which the Queen
laughed, thinking her husband to be above challenges
and duels : but he was slain upon a course at tilt, the
splinters of the staff of Montgomery going in at his
beaver. The trivial prophecy, which I heard when I
was a child, and queen Elizabeth was in the flower of
her years, was.
When hempe is sponne
England's done :
whereby it was generally conceived, that after the
princes had reigned which had the principial letters
of that word hempe (which were Henry, Edward,
OF PROPHECIES. 205
Mary, Philip, and Elizabeth), England should come
to utter confusion ; which, thanks be to God, is veri-
fied only in the change of the name ; for that the
King's style is now no more of England, but of Brit-
ain. There was also andlher prophecy, before the
year of eighty-eight, which I do not well understand.
There shall be seen upon a day,
Between the Baugh and the May,
The black fleet of Norway.
When that that is come and gone,
England build houses of lime and stone,
For after wars shall you have none.
It was generally conceived to be meant of the Spanish
fleet that came in eighty-eight: for that the king of
Spain's surname, as they say, is Norway. The pre-
diction of Regiomontanus,
Octogesimus octavus mirabilis annus,
was thought likewise accomplished in the sending of
that great fleet, being the greatest in strength, though
not in number, of all that ever swam upon the sea.
As for Cleon's dream, I think it was a jest. It was,
that he was devoured of a long dragon ; and it was
expounded of a maker of sausages, that troubled him
exceedingly. There are numbers of the like kind ;
especially if you include dreams, and predictions of
astrology. But I have set down these few only of
certain credit, for example. My judgment is, that
they ought all to be despised ; and ought to serve but
for winter talk by the fireside. Though when I say
despised, I mean it as for belief; for otherwise, the
spreading or publishing of them is in no sort to be de-
spised. For they have done much mischief; and I see
many severe laws made to suppress them. That that
206 OF AMBITION.
hath given them grace, and some credit, consisteth in
three things. First, that men mark when they hit,
and never mark vs^hen they miss ; as they do generally
also of dreams. The second is, that probable conjec-
tures, or obscure traditions, many times turn them-
selves into prophecies ; while the nature of man, which
coveteth divination, thinks it no peril to foretell that
which indeed they do but collect. As that of Seneca's
verse. For so much was then subject to demonstra-
tion, that the globe of the earth had great parts beyond
the Atlantic, which mought be probably conceived not
to be all sea : and adding thereto the tradition in Pla-
to's Timseus, and his Atlanticus,^ it mought encourage
one to turn it to a prediction. The third and last
(which is the great one) is, that almost all of them,
being infinite in number, have been impostures, and by
idle and crafty brains merely contrived and feigned
after the event past.
XXXVI. Of Ambition.
Ambition is like choler; which is an humour that
maketh men active, earnest, full of alacrity, and stir-
ring, if it be not stopped. But if it be stopped, and
cannot have his way, it becometh adust, and thereby
malign and venomous. So ambitious men, if they
find the way open for their rising, and still get forward,
they are rather busy than dangerous ; but if they be
checked ^ in their desires, they become secretly discon-
tent, and look upon men and matters with an evil eye,
1 That is the Critias.
^frcenentur et stibmde frustrentur.
OF AMBITION. 207
and are best pleased when things go backward ; which
is the worst property in a servant of a prince or state.
Therefore it is good for princes, if they use ambitious
men, to handle it so as they be still progressive and not
retrograde ; which because it cannot be without incon-
venience, it is good not to use such natures at all. For
if they rise not with their service, they will take order
to make their service fall with them. But since we
have said it were good not to use men of ambitious
natures, except it be upon necessity, it is fit we speak
in what cases they are of necessity. Good command-
ers in the wars must be taken, be they never so ambi-
tious ; for the use of their service dispenseth with the
rest ; ^ and to take a soldier without ambition is to pull
off his spurs. There is also great use of ambitious men
in being screens to princes in matters of danger and
envy; for no man will take that part, except he be like
a seeled dove, that mounts and mounts because he can-
not see about him. There is use also of ambitious
men in pulling down the greatness of any subject that
overtops ; as Tiberius used Macro in the pulling down
of Sejanus. Since therefore they must be used in such
cases, there resteth to speak how they are to be bridled,
that they may be less dangerous. There is less dan-
ger of them if they be of mean birth, than if they be
noble ; and if they be rather harsh of nature, than
gracious and popular: and if they be rather new raised,
than grown cunning and fortified in their greatness.
It is counted by some a weakness in princes to have
favourites ; but it is of all others the best remedy
against ambitious great-ones. For when the way of
pleasuring and displeasuring lieth by the favourite, it is
1 etenim utilita^<t ipsorum, ut prceficiantur, ccetera compensat.
208 OF AMBITION.
impossible any other should be over-great. Another
means to curb them, is to balance them by others as
proud as they. But then there must be some middle
counsellors, to keep things steady ; ^ for without that
ballast the ship will roll too much. At the least, a
prince may animate and inure ^ some meaner persons,
to be as it were scourges to ambitious men. As for the
having of them obnoxious to ruin ; ^ if they be of fear-
ful natures, it may do well ; but if they be stout and
daring, it may precipitate their designs, and prove
dangerous. As for the pulling of them down, if the
affairs require it, and that it may not be done with
safety suddenly, the only way is, the interchange con-
tinually of favours and disgraces ; whereby they may
not know what to expect, and be as it were in a
wood. Of ambitions, it is less harmftil, the ambition
to prevail in great things, than that other to ap-
pear in every thing ; for that breeds confusion,* and
mars business. But yet it is less danger to have an
ambitious man stirring in business, than great in de-
pendances.^ He that seeketh to be eminent amongst
able men hath a great task ; but that is ever good for
the public. But he that plots to be the only figure
amongst ciphers is the decay of a whole age. Honour
hath three things in it : the vantage ground to do
good ; the approach to kings and principal persons ;
and the raising of a man's own fortunes. He that
hath the best of these intentions, when he aspireth, is
1 qui partes medias teneant, nefactkmes omnia pessundent.
2 alUcere . . . et animare.
8 quantum ad ingenerandam iUam in ambitiosis opinionem, ut se ruimtproxi-
mosputent, atque eo modo contineantur.
* confusionem consiliorum.
6 qui gratia et clientelis poUet.
OF MASQUES AND TRIUMPHS. 209
an honest man ; and that prince that can discern of
these intentions in another that aspireth, is a wise
prince. Generally, let princes and states choose such
ministers as are more sensible of duty than of rising ;
and such as love business rather upon conscience than
upon bravery ; ^ and let them discern a busy nature
from a willing mind.
XXXVII. Of Masques and Triumphs.^
These things are but toys, to come amongst such
serious observations. But yet, since princes will have
such things, it is better they should be graced with
elegancy than daubed with cost. Dancing to song,
is a thing of great state and pleasure. I understand
it, that the song be in quire, placed aloft, and accom-
panied with some broken music ; and the ditty fitted
to the device. Acting in song, especially in dialogues,
hath an extreme good grace ; I say acting, not dancing
(for that is a mean and vulgar thing) ; and the voices
of the dialogue would be strong and manly, (a base
and a tenor ; no treble ; ) and the ditty high and
tragical ; not * nice or dainty. Several quires, placed
one over ■ against another, and taking the voice by
catches, an them- wise, give great pleasure. Turn-
ing dances into figure is a childish curiosity. And
generally let it be noted, that those things which I
here set down are such as do naturally take the sense,
and not respect petty wonderments. It is true, the
alterations of scenes, so it be quietly and without noise,
1 quam ex ostentatione.
2 This Essay is not translated.
VOL. XII. 14
210 OF MASQUES AND T?JUMPHS.
are things of great beauty and pleasure ; for they feed
and relieve the eye, before it be full of the same object.
Let the scenes abound with light, specially coloured
and varied ; and let the masquers, or any other, that
are to come down from the scene, have some motions
upon the scene itself before their coming down ; for
it draws the eye strangely, and makes it with great
pleasure to desire to see that it cannot perfectly dis-
cern. Let the songs be loud and cheerful, and not
chirpings or pulings. Let the music likewise be sharp
and loud, and well placed. The colours that shew best
by candle-light, are white, carnation, and a kind of
sea-water-green ; and oes, or spangs, as they are of
no great cost, so they are of most glory. As for rich
embroidery, it is lost and not discerned. Let the suits
of the masquers be graceful, and such as become the
person when the vizards are off; not after examples of
known attires ; Turks, soldiers, mariners, and the like.
Let anti-masques not be long; they have been com-
monly of fools, satyrs, baboons, wild-men, antics, beasts,
sprites, witches, Ethiops, pigmies, turquets, nymphs,
rustics, Cupids, statua's moving, and the like. As for
angels, it is not comical enough to put them in anti-
masques ; and any thing that is hideous, as devils,
giants, is on the other side as unfit. But chiefly, let
the music of them be recreative, and with some strange
changes. Some sweet odours suddenly coming forth,
without any drops falling, are, in such a company as
there is steam and heat, things of great pleasure and
refreshment. Double masques, one of men, another of
ladies, addeth state and variety. But all is nothing
except the room be kept clear and neat.
For justs, and tourneys, and barriers ; the glories of
OF NATURE IN MEN. 211
them are chiefly in the chariots, wherein the chal-
lengers make their entry ; especially if they be drawn
with strange beasts : as lions, bears, camels, and the
like ; or in the devices of their entrance ; or in the
bravery of their liveries ; or in the goodly furniture
of their horses and armour. But enough of these
toys.
XXXVIII. Of Nature in Men.
Nature is often hidden ; sometimes overcome ; sel-
dom extinguished. Force maketh nature more violent
in the return ; doctrine and discourse maketh nature
less importune ; ^ but custom only doth alter and sub-
due nature. He that seeketh victory over his nature,
let him not set himself too great nor too small tasks ;
for the first will make him dejected by often failings ;
and the second will make him a small proceeder,
though by often prevailings. And at the first let
him practise with helps, as swimmers do with bladders
or rushes ; but after a time let him practise with dis-
advantages, as dancers do with thick shoes. For it
breeds great perfection, if the practice be harder than
the use. Where nature is mighty, and therefore the
victory hard, the degrees had need be,^ first to stay and
arrest nature in time ; like to him that would say over
the four and twenty letters ^ when he was angry ; then
to go less in quantity ; * as if one should, in forbearing
wine, come from drinking healths to a draught at a
1 affectus naturales reddunt minus quidem importunos, sed non tollunt.
2 opus eritper gradus quosdam procedere, qui tales sint.
^priusquam quicquamfaceret.
4 sec««db, naturam moderari et ad minores portkmes reducere.
212 OF NATURE IN MEN.
meal ; and lastly, to discontinue altogether.^ But if a
man have the fortitude and resolution to enfranchise
himself at once, that is the best :
Optimus ille animi vindex laedentia pectus
Vincula qui rupit, dedoluitque semel.
[Wouldst thou be free ? The chains that gall thy breast
With one strong effort burst, and be at rest.]
Neither is the ancient rule amiss, to bend nature as a
wand to a contrary extreme, whereby to set it right ;
understanding it, where the contrary extreme is no
vice. Let not a man force a habit upon himself with
a perpetual continuance, but with some intermission.
For both the pause reinforceth the new onset ; and if
a man that is not perfect be ever in practice, he shall
as well practise his errors as his abilities, and induce
one habit of both ; and there is no means to help this
but by seasonable intermissions. But let not a man
trust his victory over his nature too far ; for nature
will lay 2 buried a great time, and yet revive upon the
occasion or temptation. Like as it was with ^sop's
damsel, turned from a cat to a woman, who sat very
demurely at the board's end, till a mouse ran before
her. Therefore let a man either avoid the occasion
altogether ; or put himself often to it, that he may be
little moved with it. A man's nature is best perceived
in privateness, for there is no affectation ; in passion,
for that putteth a man out of his precepts ; and in a
1 naturam penitus subjugum mittere et domare.
2 So in original, and also in Ed. 1639. I have not thought it right to
substitute lie, as has been usually done ; because it may be that the form
of the word was not settled in Bacon's time ; and the correction of obsolete
forms tends to conceal the history of the language. Compare Natural
History, Century I. 19.
OF CUSTOM AND EDUCATION. 213
new case or experiment, for there custom leaveth liim.
They are happy men whose natures sort with their
vocations ; otherwise they may say, multum incola fuit
anima mea^ [my soul hath been a stranger and a so-
journer ; ] when they converse in those things they do
not affect.^ In studies, whatsoever a man commandeth
upon himself, let him set hours for it ; but whatsoever
is agreeable to his nature, let him take no care for any
set times ; for his thoughts will fly to it of themselves ;
so as the spaces of other business or studies will suffice.
A man's nature runs either to herbs or weeds ; there-
fore let him seasonably water the one, and destroy the
other.
XXXIX. Of Custom and Education.
Men's thoughts are much according to their inclina-
tion ; their discourse and speeches according to their
learning and infused opinions ; but their deeds are af-
ter as they have been accustomed. And therefore, as
Machiavel well noteth (though in an evil-favoured in-
stance), there is no trusting to the force of nature nor
to the bravery of words, except it be corroborate by
custom. His instance is, that for the achieving of a
desperate conspiracy, a man should not rest upon the
fierceness of any man's nature, or his resolute under-
takings ; 2 but take such an one as hath had his hands
formerly in blood. But Machiavel knew not of a friar
Clement, nor a Ravillac, nor a Jaureguy, nor a Bal-
tazar Gerard ; ^ yet his rule holdeth still, that nature,
1 This clause is omitted in the translation.
2 aut in pi'omissis constantibus^ nedum juramentis.
8 The translation adds : aut Guidone Fauhdo.
214 OF CUSTOM AND EDUCATION.
nor the engagement of words, are not so forcible as
custom. Only superstition is now so well advanced,
that men of the first blood ^ are as firm as butchers by
occupation ; and votary resolution is made equipollent
to custom even in matter of blood. In other things
the predominancy of custom is every where visible ;
insomuch as a man would wonder to hear men profess,
protest, engage, give great words, and then do just as
they have done before ; as if they were dead images,
and engines moved only by the wheels of custom. We
see also the reign or tyranny of custom, what it is.
The Indians (I mean the sect of their wise men) ^ lay
themselves quietly upon a stack of wood, and so sacri-
fice themselves by fire. Nay the wives strive to be
burned with the corpses of their husbands. The lads
of Sparta, of ancient time, were wont to be scourged
upon the altar of Diana, without so much as queching.^
I remember, in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's time
of England, an Irish rebel condemned, put up a peti-
tion to the Deputy that he might be hanged in a with,
and not in an halter ; because it had been so used with
former rebels. There be monks in Russia, for pen-
ance, that will sit a whole night in a vessel of water,
till they be engaged with hard ice. Many examples
may be put of the force of custom,* both upon mind
and body. Therefore, since custom is the principal
magistrate of man's life, let men by all means endeav-
1 The translation hasprimce classis sicarii; (murderers of the first class):
which seems to me to miss the meaning of the English. " Men of the first
blood" must mean here, men whose hands have not been in blood befoi'e.
2 loquor de gymnosophistis^ et veteribus et modernis.
8 vix ejulatu aut gemitu ullo emisso. Queck, according to Dr. Whately,
means to move or stir.
^ plane stwpendas consuetudinis viris .... prodentia.
OF FORTUNE. 215
our to obtain good customs. Certainly custom is most
perfect when it beginneth in young years : this we call
education ; which is, in effect, but an early custom.
So we see, in languages the tongue is more pliant to
all expressions and sounds, the joints are more supple
to all feats of activity and motions, in youth than after-
wards. For it is true that late learners cannot so well
take the ply ; except it be in some minds that have not
suffered themselves to fix, but have kept themselves
open and prepared to receive continual amendment,
which is exceeding rare. But if the force of custom
simple and separate be great, the force of custom copu-
late and conjoined and collegiate is far greater. For
there example teacheth, company comforteth, emula-
tion quickeneth, glory raiseth : so as in such places
the force of custom is in his exaltation. Certainly the
great multiplication of virtues upon human nature^
resteth upon societies well ordained and disciplined.
For commonwealths and good governments do nourish
virtue grown, but do not much mend the seeds. But
the misery is, that the most effectual means are now
applied to the ends least to be desired.
XL. Or Fortune.
It cannot be denied, but outward accidents conduce
much to fortune ; ^ favour,^ opportunity, death of oth-
ers, occasion fitting virtue. But chiefly, the mould of
a man's fortune is in his own hands. Faber quisque
1 inultiplicatio et {ut chymicorum vocabulo utar) projectio super nattiram
humanam.
2 ad fortunas promovendas vel deprimendas.
8 gratia alicujus ex magnatibus.
fortuncB suce, saith the poet.^ And the most frequent'
of external causes is, that the folly of one man is the
fortune of another. For no man prospers so suddenly
as by others' errors. Serpens nisi serpentem comederit
non fit draco. [A serpent must have eaten another
serpent, before he can become a dragon.] Overt and
apparent virtues bring forth praise ; but there be secret
and hidden virtues that bring forth fortune ; certain
deliveries of a man's self, which have no name. The
Spanish name, desemboltura, partly expresseth them ;
when there be not stonds ^ nor restiveness in a man's
nature ; but that the wheels of his mind keep way
with the wheels of his fortune. For so Livy (after
he had described Cato Major in these words. In illo
vivo tantum rohur corporis et animi fuit, ut qiwcunque
loco natus esset, fortunam sihi facturus videretur') [Such
was his strength of body and mind, that wherever he
had been born he could have made himself a fortune ;]
falleth upon that, that he had versatile ingenium : [a
wit that could turn well.] Therefore if a man look
sharply and attentively, he shall see Fortune : for
though she be blind, yet she is not invisible. The
way of fortune is like the milken way in the sky ;
which is a meeting or knot of a number of small stars ;
not seen asunder, but giving light together. So are
there a number of little and scarce discerned virtues,
or rather faculties and customs, that make men fortu-
nate. The Italians note some of them, such as a man
would little think. When they speak of one that
cannot do amiss, they will throw in into his other
conditions, that he hath Poco di motto. And certainly
1 inquit Comicus. The poet is Plautus. Trinum. ii. 2. 34.
2 obices.
OF FORTUNE. 217
there be not two more fortunate properties, than to
have a little of the fool, and not too much of the
honest. Therefore extreme lovers of their country or
masters were never fortunate, neither can they be.
For when a man placeth his thoughts without himself,
he goeth not his own way. An hasty fortune maketh
an enterpriser and remover ; (the French hath it
better, entr&prenant^ or remnant ;) but the exercised
fortune maketh the able man.^ Fortune is to be hon-
oured and respected, and it be but for her daughters,
Confidence and Reputation. For those two felicity
breedeth ; the first within a man's self, the latter in
others towards him.^ All wise men, to decline the
envy of their own virtues, use to ascribe them to
Providence and Fortune ; for so they may the better
assume them : ^ and, besides, it is greatness in a man
to be the care of the higher powers. So Caesar said
to the pilot in the tempest, Ccesarem portas, etfortunam
ejus : [You carry Caesar and his fortune.] So Sylla
chose the name of Felix, and not of Magnus. And it
hath been noted, that those who ascribe openly too
much to their own wisdom and policy, end infortunate.
It is written that Timotheus the Athenian, after he
had, in the account he gave to the state of his govern-
ment, often interlaced this speech, and in this Fortune
had no part, never prospered in any thing he under-
took afterwards. Certainly there be, whose fortunes
are like Homer's verses, that have a slide and easiness
more than the verses of other poets ; as Plutarch saith
of Timoleon's fortune, in respect of that of Agesilaus
1 Fortuna pro^opera magna molientes et nonnihil turbulentos reddit ; at
fortuna exercita ea est quae efficU prudentes et cordatos.
2 The translation adds, Eoeque vicissim pariunt animos et auctoritatem.
3 decentius et liberius eas sibi assumere.
218 OF USURY.
or Epaminondas. And that this should be, no doubt
it is much in a man's self.
XLI. Of Usury.
Many have made witty invectives against Usury.
They say that it is a pity the devil should have God's
part, which is the tithe. That the usurer is the gi'eat-
est sabbath-breaker, because his plough goeth every
Sunday. That the usurer is the drone that Virgil
speaketh of;
Ignavum fucos pecus a praesepibus arcent.
That the usurer breaketh the first law that was made
for mankind after the fall, which was, in sudors vultus
tui cowsdes panem tuum ; not, in sudore vultus alieni ;
[in the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread — not
in the sweat of another's face.] That usurers should
have orange-tawny bonnets, because they do judaize.
That it is against nature for money to beget money ;
and the like. I say this only, that usury is a concessum
propter duritiem cordis : [a thing allowed by reason of
the hardness of men's hearts :] for since there must
be borrowing and lending, and men are so hard of
heart as they will not lend freely, usury must be per-
mitted. Some others have made suspicious and cun-
ning propositions of banks,^ discovery of men's estates,
and other inventions. But few have spoken of usury
usefully.^ It is good to set before us the incommodities
and commodities of usury, that the good may be either
1 de argentariis et excambiis publicis.
2 soUde et utiliter.
OF USURY. 219
weighed out or culled out ; and warily to provide, that
while we make forth to that which is better, we meet
not with that which is worse. ^
The discommodities of usury are. First, that it makes
fewer merchants. For were it not for this lazy trade
of usury, money would not lie still, but would in great
part be employed upon merchandizing ; which is the
vena porta'^ of wealth in a state. The second, that it
makes poor merchants. For as a farmer cannot hus-
band his ground so well if he sit at a great rent ; so
the merchant cannot drive his trade so well, if he sit
at great usury. The third is incident to the other
two ; ^ and that is the decay of customs of kings or
states, which ebb or flow with merchandizing. The
fourth, that it bringeth the treasure of a realm or state
into a few hands. For the usurer being at certainties,
and others at uncertainties at the end of the 2:ame*
most of the money will be in the box; and ever a
state flourisheth when wealth is more equally spread.^
The fifth, that it beats down the price of land ; for
the employment of money is chiefly either merchan-
dizing or purchasing ; and usury waylays both. The
sixth, that it doth dull and damp all industries, im-
provements, and new inventions, wherein money
would be stirring, if it were not for this slug. The
last, that it is the canker and ruin of many men's
estates ; which in process of time breeds a public
poverty.
On the other side, the commodities of usury are,
1 ne dum f(£7iore feramur in melius, intercipiamur et incidamus in pejus.
2 See p. 145, note 2.
8 duarum priorum appendix qucedam.
4 So Ed. 1639. The original has gaine ; the translation, injine ludi.
6 qumnpecunicB dispergantur non conserventur.
220 OF USURY.
first, that howsoever usury in some respect hindereth
merchandizing, yet in some other it advanceth it ; for
it is certain that the greatest part of trade is driven by
young merchants, upon borrowing at interest ; so as if
the usurer either call in or keep back his money, there
will ensue presently a great stand of trade. The sec-
ond is, that were it not for this easy borrowing upon
interest, men's necessities would draw upon them a
most sudden undoing ; in that they would be forced
to sell their means (be it lands or goods) far under
foot ; ^ and so, whereas usury doth but gnaw upon
them, bad markets^ would swallow them quite up.
As for mortgaging or pawning, it will little mend the
matter: for either men will not take pawns without
use ; or if they do, they will look precisely for the
forfeiture. I remember a cruel monied man in the
country, that would say. The devil take this usury,
it keep us from forfeitures of mortgages and bonds.
The third and last is, that it is a vanity to conceive
that there would be ordinary borrowing without profit;
and it is impossible to conceive the number of incon-
veniences that will ensue, if borrowing be cramped.
Therefore to speak of the abolishing of usury is idle.
All states have ever had it, in one kind or rate, or
other. So as that opinion must be sent to Utopia.
To speak now of the reformation and reiglement of
usury ; how the discommodities of it may be best
avoided, and the commodities retained. It appears
by the balance of commodities and discommodities of
usury ,^ two things are to be reconciled. The one,
1 nimis vili pretio.
2 disiractiones prceproperce.
8 quod Tnodo fecimus.
OF USURY. 221
that the tooth of usury be grinded, that it bite not
too much ; the other, that there be left open a means
to invite monied men to lend to the merchants, for
the continuing and quickening of trade. This cannot
be done, except you introduce two several sorts of
usury, a less and a greater. For if you reduce usury
to one low rate, it will ease the common borrower, but
the merchant will be to seek for money. And it is
to be noted, that the trade of merchandize, being the
most lucrative, may bear usury at a good rate : other
contracts not so.
To serve both intentions, the way would be briefly
thus. That there be two rates of usury ; the one
free, and general for all ; the other under licence only,
to certain persons and in certain places of merchan-
dizing. First therefore, let usury in general be re-
duced to five in the hundred ; and let that rate be
proclaimed to be free and current; and let the state
shut itself out to take any penalty for the same.^
This will preserve borrowing fi'om any general stop
or dryness. This will ease infinite borrowers in the
country.^ This will, in good part, raise the price of
land, because land purchased at sixteen years' pur-
chase will yield six in the hundred, and somewhat
more ; whereas this rate of interest yields but five.^
This by like reason will encourage and edge indus-
trious and profitable improvements ; because many
will rather venture in that kind than take five in the
hundred, especially having been used to greater profit.
1 mulctce omni renunciet.
2 rure et alibi degentibm.
8 Quandoquidem annuus valor prcediorum, hie apud nos in Anglia, excedet
ilium foenoris ad hanc proportionem redacti, quantum annuus valor sex libror
rum excedit ilium quinque tantum.
Secondly, let there be certain persons licensed to lend
to known merchants upon usury at a higher rate ; and
let it be with the cautions following. Let the rate be,
even with the merchant himself, somewhat more easy
than that he used formerly to pay ; for by that means
all borrowers shall have some ease by this reformation,
be he merchant, or whosoever. Let it be no bank or
common stock, but every man be master of his own
money. Not that I altogether mislike banks, but they
will hardly be brooked, in regard of certain suspicions.^
Let the state be answered some small matter for the
licence, and the rest left to the lender ; for if the aba.te-
ment be but small, it will no whit discourage the
lender. For he, for example, that took before ten or
nine in the hundred, will sooner descend to eight in
the hundred, than give over his trade of usury, and
go from certain gains to gains of hazard. Let these
licensed lenders be in number indefinite, but restrained
to certain principal cities and towns of merchandizing ;
for then they will be hardly able to colour other men's
monies in the country : so as the licence of nine will
not suck away the current rate of five ; ^ for no man
will lend his monies far off, nor put them into un-
known hands.
If it be objected that this doth in a sort authorize
usury, which before was in some places but permissive ;
the answer is, that it is better to mitigate usury by
declaration, than to suffer it to rage by connivance.^
1 These two sentences are omitted in the translation.
2 ita enim, prcBtextu licentiarum, qpportunitatem non hahebunt pecunias alio-
rum pi'O suis commodandi : nee novem out octo librarum proportio, licentia
munita, generalem illam quinque librarum absorbebit. To " colour another
man's money" is to pass it for one's own. See Whateley's edition of Ba-
con's Essays, p. 382.
8 The last paragraph is omitted in the translation.
OF YOUTH AND AGE. 223
XLII. Of Youth and Age.
A MAN that is young in years may be old in hours,
if he have lost no time. But that happeneth rarely.
Generally, youth is like the first cogitations, not so
wise as the second. For there is a youth in thoughts,
as well as in ages. And yet the invention of young
men is more lively than that of old ; and imaginations
stream into their minds better, and as it were more
divinely. Natures that have much heat and great and
violent desires and perturbations, are not ripe for action
till they have passed the meridian of their years ; as
it was with Julius Caesar, and Septimius Severus. Of
the latter of whom it is said, Juveiitutem egit erroribus,
imo furoribus, plenam ; [He passed a youth full of
errors, yea of madnesses.] And yet he was the
ablest^ emperor, almost, of all the list. But reposed
natures may do well in youth. As it is seen in
Augustus Caesar, Cosmus Duke of Florence, Gaston
de Fois, and others. On the other side, heat and
vivacity in age is an excellent composition for busi-
ness. Young men are fitter to invent than to judge ;
fitter for execution than for counsel ; and fitter for
new projects than for settled business.^ For the ex-
perience of age,^ in things that fall within the compass
of it, directeth them ; but in new things, abuseth them.
The errors of young men are the ruin of business ; but
the errors of aged men amount but to this, that more
might have been done, or sooner. Young men, in the
conduct and manage of actions, embrace more than
1 celeberrimus.
2 et ad negotia nova melius adhibeniur quam ad consueta.
3 senum.
224
OF YOUTH AND AGE.
they can hold ; stir more than they can quiet ; fly to the
end, without consideration of the means and degrees ;
pursue some few principles which they have chanced
upon absurdly ; care not to innovate, which draws
unknown inconveniences ; ^ use extreme remedies at
first ; and that which doubleth all errors, will not ac-
knowledge or retract them ; like an unready horse,^
that will neither stop nor turn. Men of age object
too much, consult too long, adventure too little, repent
too soon,^ and seldom drive business home to the full
period, but content themselves with a mediocrity of
success. Certainly it is good to compound employ-
ments of both ; for that will be good for the present,
because the virtues of either age may correct the de-
fects of both ; and good for succession, that yoUng
men may be learners, while men in age are actors;
and, lastly, good for extern accidents, because author-
ity followeth old men, and favour and popularity
youth. But for the moral part, perhaps youth will
have the pre-eminence, as age hath for the politic. A
certain rabbin, upon the text, Your young men shall see
visions^ and your old men shall dream dreams^ inferreth
that young men are admitted nearer to God than old,
because vision is a clearer revelation than a dream.
And certainly, the more a man drinketh of the world,
the more it intoxicate th : and age doth profit rather in
the powers of understanding, than in the virtues of the
will and affections. There be some have an over-early
ripeness in their years, which fadeth betimes.* These
1 This clause is omitted in the translation.
2 equus male domitus.
^ pericula plus quam expedit reformidant; pc&nitentid prceproperA vacillant.
4 sunt qui in juventute admodum prcecoces sunt, sed currentibus annis cito
marcescunt.
OF BEAUTY. 225
are, first, such as have brittle wits, the edge whereof is
soon turned ; such as was Hermogenes the rhetorician,
whose books are exceeding subtle ; who afterwards
waxed stupid. A second sort is of those that have
some natural dispositions which have better grace in
youth than in age ; such as is a fluent and luxuriant
speech ; which becomes youth well, but not age : so
Tully saith of Hortensius, Idem manebat, neque idem
deeehat : [He continued the same, when the same was
not becoming.] The third is of such as take too high
a strain at the first, and are magnanimous more than
tract of years can uphold. As was Scipio Africanus,
of whom Livy saith in effect. Ultima primis cedehant :
[His last actions were "not equal to his first.]
XLHI. Of Beauty.
Virtue is like a rich stone, best plain set ; and
surely virtue is best in a body that is comely, though
not of delicate features ; and that hath rather dignity
of presence, than beauty of aspect. Neither is it
almost seen, that very beautiful persons are otherwise
of great virtue ; as if nature were rather busy not to
err, than in labour to produce excellency. And there-
fore they prove accomplished, but not of great spirit ;
and study rather behaviour than virtue. But this
holds not always : for Augustus Caesar, Titus Yespa-
sianus, Philip le Bel of France, Edward the Fourth
of England, Alcibiades of Athens, Ismael the Sophy
of Persia, were all high and great spirits ; and yet
the most beautiful men of their times.^ In beauty,
1 et niMhminm perpulchri.
VOL. XII. 15
226 OF BEAUTY.
that of favour ^ is more than that of colour ; and that
of decent and gracious motion ^ more than that of
favour. That is the best part of beauty, which a
picture cannot express ; no nor the first sight of life.
There is no excellent beauty that hath not some
strangeness in the proportion. A man cannot tell
whether Apelles or Albert Durer were the more
trifler ; whereof the one would make a personage
by geometrical proportions ; the other, by taking the
best parts out of divers faces, to make one excellent.
Such personages, I think, would please nobody but the
painter that made them. Not but I think a painter
may make a better face than ever was ; but he must
do it by a kind of felicity,^ (as a musician that maketh
an excellent air in music,) and not by rule. A man
shall see faces, that if you examine them part by part,
you shall find never a good ; and yet altogether do
well. If it be true that the principal part of beauty
is in decent motion, certainly it is no marvel though
persons in years seem many times more amiable ; *
pulchrorum autumnus pulcher ; [beautiful persons have
a beautiful Autumn ;] for no youth can be comely
but by pardon, and considering the youth as to make
up the comeliness.^ Beauty is as summer fruits, which
1 venustas.
2 decorus et gratiosus corporis et oris motus.
^felicitate qvAdam et casu. Keats seems to have felt that this is true
also with regard to his own art : —
"When I behold upon the night's starred face
Huge cloud}' symbols of a high romance,
And think that I may never live to trace
Their shadows, loith the magic hand of chance.^'
— Life, Letters, ^c. of John Keats, vol. ii. p. 293.
4 The translation adds : Secundum illud Eurijndis.
6 Etenim fieri non potest ut juvenis per omnia decus tueatur, nisi fo)He jUr
ventutem ipsam ad svpplementum decoris assumas.
OF DEFORMITY. 227
are easy to corrupt, and cannot last ; and for the most
part it makes a dissolute youth, and an age a little out
of countenance ; ^ but yet certainly again, if it light
well, it maketh virtue shine, and vices blush.
XLIV. Of Deformity.
Deformed persons are commonly even with na-
ture ; 2 for as nature hath done ill by them, so do they
by nature ; being for the most part (as the Scripture
saith) void of natural affection ; and so they have their
revenge of nature.^ Certainly there is a consent be-
tween the body and the mind ; and where nature
erreth in the one, she ventureth in the other. ITbi
peccat m wio, periclitatur in altero. But because
there is in man an election touching the frame of his
mind, and a necessity in the frame of his body, the
stars of natural inclination are sometimes obscured by
the sun of discipHne and virtue. Therefore it is good
to consider of deformity, not as a sign, which is more
deceivable ; but as a cause, which seldom faileth of
the effect. Whosoever hath any thing fixed in his
person that doth induce contempt, hath also a per-
petual spur in himself to rescue and deliver himself
from scorn. Therefore all deformed persons are ex-
treme bold. First, as in their own defence, as being
exposed to scorn ; but in process of time by a general
habit. Also it stirreth in them industry, and espe-
cially of this kind, to watch and observe the weakness
1 senectuiem autem sero poenitentem.
2 naturamfere ulciscuntur.
8 This clause is omitted in the translation.
228 OF BUILDING.
of others, that they may have somewhat to repay.
Again, in their superiors, it quencheth jealousy tow-
ards them, as persons that they think they may at
pleasure despise : and it layeth their competitors and
emulators asleep ; as never believing they should be
in possibility of advancement, till they see them in
possession. So that upon the matter, in a great wit,
deformity is an advantage to rising. Kings in ancient
times (and at this present in some countries) were
wont to put great trust in eunuchs ; because they that
are envious towards all are more obnoxious and offi-
cious towards one. But yet their trust towards them
hath rather been as to good spials and good whisperers,
than good magistrates and officers. And much like is
the reason of deformed persons. Still the ground is,
they will, if they be of spirit, seek to free themselves
from scorn ; which must be either by virtue or malice ;
and therefore let it not be marvelled if sometimes they
prove excellent persons ; as was Agesilaus, Zanger the
son of Solyman, iEsop, Gasca President of Peru ; and
Socrates may go likewise amongst them ; with others.
XLV. Of Building.
Houses are built to live in, and not to look on ;
therefore let use be preferred before uniformity, except
where both may be had. Leave the goodly fabrics of
houses, for beauty only, to the enchanted palaces of
the poets ; who build them with small cost. He that
builds a fair house upon an ill seat, committeth him-
self to prison. Neither do I reckon it an ill seat only
where the air is unwholesome ; but likewise where the
OF BUILDING. 229
air is unequal; as you shall see many fine seats set
upon a knap of ground, environed with higher hills
round about it ; ^ whereby the heat of the sun is pent
in, and the wind gathereth '^ as in troughs ; so as you
shall have, and that suddenly, as great diversity of
heat and cold as if you dwelt in several places. Nei-
ther is it ill air only that maketh an ill seat, but ill
ways, ill markets : and, if you will consult with Mo-
mus,^ ill neighbours. I speak not of many more ;
want of water ; want of wood, shade, and shelter ;
want of fruitfulness, and mixture* of grounds of sev-
eral natures ; want of prospect ; want of level grounds ;
want of places at some near distance for sports of
hunting, hawking, and races ; too near the sea, too
remote; having the commodity of navigable rivers,^
or the discommodity of their overflowing ; too far off
from great cities, which may hinder business, or too
near them, which lurcheth all provisions,^ and maketh
every thing dear ; where a man hath a great living
laid together, and where he is scanted : all which, as
it is impossible perhaps to find together, so it is good
to know them, and think of them, that a man may
take as many as he can ; ^ and if he have several dwell-
1 in coUiculo panlulum elevato ; sed cincto undique, more theatri, coUibus
altioribus.
2 variis cestUms redprocantur.
3 For an explanation of this allusion to Momus, about which there has
been some controversy of late, I am indebted to Mr. Ellis. " In one of
^sop's fables," he writes, "Minerva makes a house; and Momus says it
should have been on wheels, to get away from bad neighbours."
4 That is, want of mixture. Sterilitas soli, aut qvod ex variis glebarum
generibus minime commistum sit.
5 So in the original, and also in Ed. 1639. It seems as if not had drop-
ped out; or as if the should be no. The translation has commoditas nulla
Jluviorum namgabilium.
6 qtiod victui necessaria absorbet.
7 locus vbi quis latifundia ampla possideat, aut acquirere possit, et locus.
230 OF BUILDING.
ings, that he sort them so, that what he wanteth in
the one he may find in the other. Lucullus answered
Pompey well ; who, when he saw his stately galleries,
and rooms so large and lightsome, in one of his houses,
said. Surely an excellent place for summer^ hut how do
you in winter? Lucullus answered, Why^ do you not
think me as wise as some fowl are, that ever change their
abode towards the winter f
To pass from the seat to the house itself; we will do
as Cicero doth in the orator's art ; who writes books
Be Oratore, and a book he entitles Orator ; whereof
the former delivers the precepts of the art, and the
latter the perfection. We will therefore describe a
princely palace, making a brief model thereof. For
it is strange to see, now in Europe, such huge build-
ings as the Vatican and Escurial and some others be,
and yet scarce a very fair^ room in them.
First therefore, I say you cannot have a perfect
palace, except you have two several sides ; ^ a side for
the banquet, as is spoken of in the book of Hester, and
a side for the household ; the one for feasts and tri-
umphs, and the other for dwelling. I understand both
these sides to be not only returns,^ but parts of the
front; and to be uniform without, though severally
partitioned within ; and to be on both sides of a great
and stately tower in the midst of the front, that, as it
were, joineth them together on either hand. I would
have on the side of the banquet, in front, one only
contra uUpennas extender e nequeat: quce singula minime eo animo enumera-
mus ac si domus aliqua his incommodis omnibus vacare possit, verum ut tot ex
illis evitemus quot evitari cancedatur.
1 vere magnijicam.
2 nisi duos habeai portiones diversas.
3 non ut latera domus.
OF BUILDING. 231
goodly room above stairs, of some forty foot high ; ^
and under it a room for a dressing or preparing place
at times of triumphs.^ On the other side, wliich is
the household side, I wish it divided at the first into a
hall and a chapel, (with a partition between ;) both of
good state and bigness ; ^ and those not to go all the
length, but to have at the further end a winter and a
summer parlour, both fair. And under these rooms,*
a fair and large cellar sunk under ground ; and like-
wise some privy kitchens, with butteries and pantries,
and the like. As for the tower, I would have it two
stories, of eighteen^ foot high a piece, above the two
wings ; and a goodly leads upon the top,^ railed with
statua's interposed ; and the same tower to be divided
into rooms, as shall be thought fitJ The stairs like-
wise to the upper rooms, let them be upon a fair open
newel, and finely railed in with images of wood, cast
into a brass colour ; ^ and a very fair landing-place at
the top. But this to be, if you do not point any of
the lower rooms for a dining place of servants. For
otherwise you shall have the servants' dinner after
your own : for the steam of it will come up as in a
tunnel.^ And so much for the front. Only I under-
i The translation raises it to fifty feet. Eamque supra gradus ad quin-
qtuiginta pedes ad minus altam.
2 et subter earn cameram item alteram, similis longitudinis et latitudinis;
quce apparatum et instructionem ad festa, ludos, et ejusmodi magnijiceniias,
actcn-es etiam dum se ornent et parent, commode recipiat.
8 amjdam et pulchram.
4 atque subter hcec omnia (excepto saceUo).
5 quindecim. 6 coopertam plumbo, cequahili.
7 This clause is omitted in the translation.
8 gradus autem turris apertos esse, et in se revertentes, et per senos subinde
divisos : utrinque statuis ligneis inauratis, vel saltern cenei coloris cinctos.
9 verum cavendum ne locus ubi famuli comedant sit ad imum qradum. vel
pi'ope ; si enim sit, ciborum nidor ascendet, tanquam in tubo quodam.
232 OF BUILDING.
stand the height of the first stairs to be sixteen foot,^
which is the height of the lower room.
Beyond this front is there to be a fair court, but
three sides of it, of a far lower building than the front.
And in all the four corners of that court fair stair-
cases, cast into turrets, on the outside, and not within
the row of buildings themselves. But those towers
are not to be of the height of the front, but rather
proportionable to the lower building.^ Let the court
not be paved, for that striketh up a great heat in sum-
mer, and much cold in winter. But only some side
alleys, with a cross, and the quarters to graze, being
kept shorn, but not too near shorn. ^ The row of re-
turn * on the banquet side, let it be all stately gal-
leries : in which galleries let there be three, or five,
fine cupolas in the length of it, placed at equal dis-
tance ; and fine coloured windows of several works.^
On the household side, chambers of presence and or-
dinary entertainments,^ with some bed-chambers ; and
let all three sides be a double house, without thorough
lights on the sides, that you may have rooms '' from
the sun, both for forenoon and afternoon. Cast it
1 viginti.
2 turres extruantur, altkudinem latemm proedictoi'um nonnihil superantes,
ad gradus quibus in svperiora ascendatur capiendos ; quce turres non recipi-
antur in planum cedijicii, sed extra pr-omineant.
8 Area autem integra lapidibus latis quadrangulis minime substernatur ;
nam hujusmodi pavimenta cahrem molestum cestate, et similiter frigus as-
perum hyeme immittunt : sed habeat ambulacra, ex ejusmodi lapidibtis, per
latera tantum cedijicii; et formam crucis ex iisdem in medio; cum quadris
interpositis, quce gr amine vestiantur, detonso quidem, sed non nimis prope
terram.
■* latus universum arece.
6 ubi pingantur columme, imagines omnigence, flores, et similia.
6 At latus ex parte familice, simul cum latere tertio e regione frontis, com-
plectatur cameras prcesentiales ; et alias usus ac decoris ordinarii.
' cubicula et camerm.
OF BUILDING. 233 \
also, that you may have rooms both for summer and \
winter ; shady for summer, and warm for winter.
You shall have sometimes fair houses so full of glass,
that one cannot tell where to become to be out of the
sun or cold. For inbowed windows, I hold them of
good use ; (in cities, indeed, upright ^ do better, in
respect of the uniformity towards the street ; ) for
they be pretty retiring places for conference ; and
besides, they keep both the wind and sun off; for
that which would strike almost thorough the room
doth scarce pass the window. But let them be but
few, four in the court, on the sides only.^
Beyond this court, let there be an inward court, of
the same square and height ; which is to be environed
with the garden on all sides ; ^ and in the inside, clois-
tered on all sides, upon decent and beautiful arches,
as high as the first story. On the under story,
towards the garden, let it be turned to a grotta, or
place of shade, or estivation. And only have open-
ing and windows towards the garden ; and be level
upon the floor, no whit sunken under ground, to avoid
all dampishness. And let there be a fountain, or some
fair work of statua's in the midst of this court; and
to be paved as the other court was. These buildings
to be for privy lodgings on both sides ; and the end *
for privy galleries. Whereof you must foresee that
one of them be for an infirmary,^ if the prince or
any special person should be sick, with chambers, bed-
1 ad planum cedificii, et minime protuberantes.
2 ducB scilicet ex utroque latere areas.
3 hortoper exterius circumcincta.
4 latiis transversum.
6 curandum vero vi aliqtcce, tarn ex cameris et conclavUms, quam ex porti-
cibtis, designentur ad usum infirmorum.
234 OF BUILDING.
cliamber, antecamera, and recamera, joining to it.^
This upon the second story. Upon the ground story ,2
a fair gallery, open, upon pillars ; and upon the third
story likewise, an open gallery,^ upon pillars, to take
the prospect and freshness of the garden. At both
corners of the further side, by way of return,* let
there be two delicate or rich cabinets, daintily paved,
richly hanged, glazed with crystalline glass, and a rich
cupola in the midst ; and all other elegancy that may
be thought upon.^ In the upper gallery too, I wish
that there may be, if the place will yield it, some foun-
tains running in divers places from the wall, with some
fine avoidances.^ And thus much for the model of the
palace ; ^ save that you must have, before you come to
the front, three courts. A green court plain, with a
wall about it ; ^ a second court of the same, but more
garnished, with little turrets, or rather embellishments,
upon the wall ; and a third court, to make a square
with the front, but not to be built, nor yet enclosed
with a naked wall, but enclosed with tarrasses, leaded
aloft, and fairly garnished, on the three sides ; and
1 Haheant autem porfiones singulce cegris destinatce, {ut moderni loquuntur)
Ante-Cameram, Cameram ad cubtle, et Re-cameram.
2 At latus transversum solarii inferians, versus hortum convertatur in por-
ticum, spatiosum, &c.
8 Rursus supra solarium tertium, ex omnibus tribus lateribus, statuantur
porticus elegantes, &c.
4 ad angulos duos lateris transverd in solaria secundo.
5 Sini autem conclavia ilia rebus curiosis omnigenis et spectatu dignis re-
ferta.
6 qui per secretos tvbos iterum transeant. The following sentence is in-
serted here in the translation : Inteiior autem pars in solaria superiore,
versus aream, formetur in porticus et ambulacra, bene munita et obducta, ad
usum convalescentium.
7 The translation adds: nam de balneis etptscinis nrni loqiuyr.
8 Area viindis, gramine vestita, cum pariete in circuitu, et juxta pametem
arboribus, ordine positis, sata.
OF GARDENS. 235
cloistered on the inside, with pillars, and not with
arches below.^ As for offices, let them stand at dis-
tance, with some low galleries, to pass from them to
the place itself.
XLVI. Of Gardens.
God Almighty first planted a Garden. And in-
deed it is the purest of human pleasures. It is the
greatest refreshment to the spirits of man ; without
which buildings and palaces are but gross handy-
works : 2 and a man shall ever see that when ages
grow to civility and elegancy, men come to build
stately sooner than to garden finely ; ^ as if gardening
were the greater perfection. I do hold it, in the royal
ordering of gardens, there ought to be gardens for all
the months in the year ; in which severally things of
beauty may be then in season.* For December, and
January, and the latter part of November, you must
take such things as are green all w^inter : ^ holly ; ivy ;
1 sed ambulacris supra columnas, non arcus, erectis; in summitate vero
plumbo vel lapide quadrato coopertis, et ad latera elegantibus statuis parvis,
CBnei colans, munitis clausam.
2 manus tantum sunt opera, nee sripiunt naturam.
8 ciiius pervenire ad cedificiorum pulchritudinem quam ad hortorum elegan-
tiam et amoenitatem.
* in quibus separntim plantce quoe illo mense Jtorent et vigent p)'oducantur.
The scene in the "Winter's Tale," where Perdita presents the guests with
flowers suited to their ages, has some expressions which, if this Essay had
been contained in the earlier edition, would have made me suspect that
Shakespeare had been reading it. As I am not aware that the resemblance
has been observed, I will quote the passages to which I allude in connexion
with those which remind me of them.
5 Reverend Sirs,
For you there's Rosemary and Rue ; these keep
Seeming and savour all the winter long.
Grace and Remembrance be to you both,
And welcome to our shearing.
236 OF GARDENS.
bays ; juniper ; cypress-trees ; yew ; pine-apple-trees ; ^
fir-trees ; rosemary ; lavender ; periwinkle, the white,
the purple, and the blue ; germander ; flags ; ^ orange-
trees ; lemon-trees ; and myrtles, if they be stored ; and
sweet marjoram, warm set.^ There followeth, for the
latter part of January and February, the mezereon-
tree, which then blossoms ; crocus vernus, both the yel-
low and the grey ; primroses ; anemones ; the early
tulippa ; hyacinthus orientalis ; chamairis ; fritellaria.
For March, there come violets, specially the single
blue, which are the earliest ; the yellow daffodil ; * the
daisy ; the almond-tree in blossom ; the peach-tree in
blossom ; the cornelian-tree in blossom ; sweet-briar.
In April follow, the double white violet ; the wall-
flower ; the stock-gilliflower ; the cowshp ; flower-de-
lices, and lilies of all natures ; ^ rosemary-flowers ; the
tulippa ; the double piony ; the pale daffodil ; ^ the
Pol. Shepherdess,
(A fair one are you) well you fit our ages
With flowers of winter.
1 In place of " piue-apple-trees," the translation has buxtis, piiius, abies.
2 Irides quoad folia.
^ jvjcta parietem et versus solem satus.
^ psevdo-narcissus luteits.
5 Now, my fair'st friend,
I would I had some flowers o' the Spring, that might
Become your time of day ....
Dafibdils,
That come before the swallow dares, and take
The winds of March with beauty: Violets (dim
But sweeter than the lids of Juno's eyes,
Or Cj'therea's breath): pale Prime-roses,
That die unmarried, ere they can behold
Bright Phoebus in his strength ....
bold Oxlips, and
The Crown Imperial: Lilies of all kinds,
(The Flower-de-Luce being one).
« narcisstis verus.
OF GARDENS. 237
French honeysuckle; the cherry-tree in blossom; the
dammasin and plum-trees in blossom ; the white thorn
in leaf; the lilac-tree. In May and June come pinks
of all sorts, specially the blush-pink ; roses of all kinds,
except the musk, which comes later ; honeysuckles ;
strawberries ; bugloss ; columbine ; the French mari-
gold ; flos Africanus ; ^ cherry-tree in fruit ; ribes ;
figs in fruit ; rasps ; vine-flowers ; lavender in flowers ;
the sweet satyrian, with the white flowers ; herba mus-
caria ; lilium convallium ; the apple-tree in blossom.^
In July come gilliflowers of all varieties;^ musk-roses;
the lime-tree in blossom ; early pears and plums in
fruit ; genitings, quadlins. In August come plums of
all sorts in fruit ; pears ; apricocks ; berberries ; fil-
berds ; musk-melons ; monks-hoods, of all colours. In
September come grapes ; apples ; poppies of all col-
ours ; peaches ; melocotones ; nectarines ; cornelians ;
wardens ; quinces. In October and the beginning of
November come services ; medlars ; bullaces ; roses
cut or removed to come late ; holly-oaks ; and such
like. These particulars are for the climate of London ;
but my meaning is perceived, that you may have ver
jperpetuum, as the place affords.
1 Flos Africanus, simplex et multiplex. The " French Marigold " is omit-
ted in the translation.
2 The translation adds; jlos cyaneus: [the corn-cockle].
* Sir, the year growing ancient,
Not yet on Summer's death, nor on the birth
Of trembling "Winter, the fairest flowers o' the season
Are our Carnations and streaked Gilly-vors
(Which some call Nature's bastards) ....
Here's flowers for you:
Hot Lavender, Mints, Savory, Marjoram,
The Marj^-gold, that goes to bed wi' the Sun,
And with him rises, weeping : These are flowers
Of middle Summer, and I think they are given
To men of middle age.
238 OF GARDENS.
And because the breath of flowers is far sweeter in
the air (where it comes and goes Uke the warbling of
music) than in the hand, therefore nothing is more fit
for that dehght, than to know what be the flowers and
plants that do best perfume the air.^ Roses, damask
and red,2 are fast flowers of their smells ; so that you
may walk by a whole row of them, and find nothing
of their sweetness ; yea though it be in a morning's
dew. Bays likewise yield no smell as they grow.
Rosemary little ; nor sweet marjoram. That which
above all others yields the sweetest smell in the air,^
is the violet, specially the white double violet, which
comes twice a year ; about the middle of April, and
about Bartholomew-tide.* Next to that is the musk-
rose. Then the strawberry-leaves dying, with a most
excellent cordial smell.^ Then the flower of the vines;
it is a little dust, like the dust of a bent,^ which grows
upon the cluster in the first coming forth. Then
sweet-briar. Then wall-flowers, which are very de-
lightful to be set under a parlour or lower chamber
window. Then pinks and gilliflowers," specially the
matted pink and clove gilliflower. Then the flowers
of the lime-tree. Then the honeysuckles, so they be
somewhat afar off".^ Of bean-flowers I speak not,
1 qiwe adhuc crescentes, nee avulsce, maxime emittunt auras suaves, et aerem
odore perfundunt.
2 tampallldce quam rubece.
8 suavissimo odore (crescens) imbuii.
4 svbjinem Augusti.
6 So Ed. 1639. The original has "which a most excellent cordial smell."
Possibly it should be which yield. The translation has qiue halitum emittunt
plane cardiacum.
6 qualis est in caule plantaginis.
' The British Museum copy (see note at the end) omits and gillijlowers.
The translation has turn cariophyllatai tarn minores quam majores.
8 The translation adds tumflores lavendulce.
OF GARDENS. 239
because they are field flowers. But those which per-
fume the air most dehghtfully, not passed by as the
rest, but being trodden upon and crushed, are three;
that is, burnet, wild-thyme, and watermints. There-
fore you are to set whole alleys of them, to have the
pleasure when you walk or tread.
For gardens (speaking of those which are indeed
prince-like, as we have done of buildings), the con-
tents ought not well to be under thirty acres of
ground ; and to be divided into tliree parts ; a green
ill the entrance ; a heath or desert ^ in the going
forth ; and the main garden in the midst ; besides
alleys on both sides. And I like well that four acres
of ground be assigned to the green ; six to the heath ;
four and four to either side ; and twelve to the main
garden. The green hath two pleasures : the one, be-
cause nothing is more pleasant to the eye than green
grass kept finely shorn ; the other, because it will give
you a fair alley in the midst, by which you may go in
front upon a stately hedge, which is to enclose the
garden. But because the alley will be long, and, in
great heat of the year or day, you ought not to buy
the shade in the garden by going in the sun thorough
the green, therefore you are, of either side the green,
to plant a covert alley, upon carpenter's work, about
twelve foot in height, by which you may go in shade
into the garden. As for the making of knots or figures
with divers coloured earths, that they may lie under
the windows of the house on that side which the srar-
den stands,'-^ they be but toys : you may see as good
sights many times in tarts. The garden is best to be
square, encompassed on all the four sides with a stately
^fruticetum she eremum. 2 This clause is omitted in the translation.
240 OF GARDENS.
arched hedge. The arches to be upon pillars of car-
penter's work, of some ten foot high, and six foot
broad ; and the spaces between of the same dimension
with the breadth of the arch. Over the arches let
there be an entire hedge of some four foot high, framed
also upon carpenter's work ; and upon the upper hedge,
over every arch, a little turret, with a belly, enough to
receive a cage of birds : and over every space between
the arches some other little figure, with broad plates
of round coloured glass gilt, for the sun to play upon.
But this hedge I intend to be raised upon a bank, not
steep, but gently slope, of some six foot, set all with
flowers. Also I understand, that this square of the
garden should not be the whole breadth of the ground,
but to leave on either side ground enough for diversity
of side alleys ; unto which the two covert alleys of
the green may deliver you. But there must be no
alleys with hedges at either end of this great enclo-
sure ; not at the hither end, for letting ^ your pros-
pect upon this fair hedge from the green ; nor at the
further end, for letting ^ your prospect from the hedge
through the arches upon the heath.
For the ordering of the ground within the great
hedge, I leave it to variety of device ; advising nev-
ertheless that whatsoever form you cast it into, first,^
1 ne . . . impediat.
2 «e . . . intercipiat.
3 My copy of Ed. 1625 has a comma after Jirst and no comma after into.
The copy in the British Museum has a comma after into, and no comma
after frst. So also Ed. 1639. The translation has qimcunque ea tandem
sit, nimis curiosa et operosa ne sit. I suspect that the direction was to add
the second comma and leave the first, and that it was misunderstood, or
imperfectly executed; an accident which may easily happen, and would
account for the occasional introduction of a change which could not have
been intended.
OF GARDENS. 241
it be not too busy, or full of work. Wherein I, for
my part, do not like images cut out in juniper or other
garden stuff; they be for children. Little low hedges,
round, like welts,^ with some pretty pyramides, I like
well ; and in some places, fair columns upon frames
of carpenter's work.^ I would also have the alleys
spacious and fair. You may have closer alleys upon
the side grounds, but none in the main garden. I
wish also, in the very middle, a fair mount, with three
ascents, and alleys,^ enough for four to walk abreast ;
which I would have to be perfect circles, without any
bulwarks or embossments ; and the whole mount to
be thirty foot high ; and some fine banqueting-house,*
with some chimneys neatly cast, and without too much
glass.
For fountains, they are a great beauty and refresh-
ment ; but pools mar all,^ and make the garden un-
wholesome, and full of flies and frogs. Fountains I
intend to be of two natures : the one that sprinkleth
or spouteth water; the other a fair receipt of water,^
of some thirty or forty foot square, but without fish,
or slime, or mud. For the first, the ornaments of
images gilt, or of marble, which are in use, do well :
but the main matter is so to convey the water, as it
never stay,'^ either in the bowls or in the cistern ; that
the water be never by rest discoloured, green or red or
1 instar fimbriarum.
2 Columnas etiam, et pyramides altos, ex opere lignario, in aliquibus locis
sparsas, sepibus vestitas, recipio.
3 et tribus ambulacris.
* atque in vertice domicellus elegans extruatur.
6 sed stagna et piscines exnlent.
6 unum qui aquam salientem verset et dispergat, cum crateribus suis ; alte-
rum nitidum aqiuB puree receptaculum, &c.
7 ut peipetuo Jluat, nee consistat. #
VOL. XII. 16
242 OF GARDENS.
the like ; or gather any mossiness or putrefaction. Be-
sides that, it is to be cleansed every day by the hand.
Also some steps up to it, and some fine pavement
about it, doth well. As for the other kind of foun-
tain, which w^e may call a bathing pool, it may admit
much curiosity ^ and beauty ; wherewith we will not
trouble ourselves ; as, that the bottom be finely paved,
and with images; the sides likewise; and withal em-
bellished with coloured glass, and such things of lustre ;
encompassed also with fine rails of low statua's. But
the main point is the same which we mentioned in the
former kind of fountain ; which is, that the water be
in perpetual motion, fed by a water higher than the
pool, and delivered into it by fair spouts, and then dis-
charged away under ground, by some equality of bores,
that it stay little.^ And for fine devices, of arching
water without spilling, and making it rise in several
forms (of feathers, drinking glasses, canopies, and the
like), they be pretty things to look on, but nothing to
health and sweetness.
For the heath, which was the third part of our plot,
I wish it to be framed, as much as may be, to a natural
wildness. Trees I would have none in it,^ but some
thickets made only of sweet-briar and honeysuckle,
and some wild vine amongst ; and the ground set with
1 The copy in the British Museum has a semicolon after curiosity: my
copy has a comma. And as it has certainly been a change in the type, and
not a variety in the impression or an alteration made by the hand, I am
inclined to think that the Museum copy was a proof in which corrections
were afterwards made.
2 The translation adds : ut maneat limpida.
8 The translation adds: nisi quod, in aliquibus locis erigi prcBcipio arborum
series, quce in vertice ambulacra contineant, ramis arborum cooperta, cum
fenestris. Subjaceat autem pars soli Jloribus odoris suavis abunde consita,
qui auras in superius exhalent ; alias fruticetum apertum esse sine arbonbus
velim.
OF GARDENS. 243
violets, strawberries,^ and primroses. For these are
sweet, and prosper in the shade. And these to be in
the heath, here and there, not in any order.^ I like
also little heaps, in the nature of mole-hills (such as
are in wild heaths), to be set, some with wild thyme;
some with pinks ; some with germander, that gives a
good flower to the eye; some with periwinkle; some
with violets ; some with strawberries ; some with cow-
slips ; some with daisies ; some with red roses ; some
with lilium con vail ium ; some with sweet-williams red ;
some with bear's-foot : ^ and the like low flowers, beinor
withal sweet and sightly. Part of which heaps are to
be with standards of little bushes pricked upon their
top, and part without. The standards to be roses ; *
juniper ; holly ; berberries ; (but here and there, be-
cause of the smell of their blossom ; ^ ) red currants ;
gooseberry ; rosemary ; bays ; sweet-briar ; and such
like. But these standards to be kept with cutting,
that they grow not out of course.^
For the side grounds, you are to fill them with va-
riety of alleys, private, to give a full shade, some of
them, wheresoever the sun be. You are to frame some
1 fragis prcecipue.
2 Dnmeta autem, et ambulacra super arbores^ spargi volumus ad placitum,
rum in ordine aliquo collocari.
3 Helleboro Jtore purpurea.
4 Pars autem cumuhrum habeat in vertice frutices ; ea sint rosa, &c.
5 sed hcec ranor, propter odoris gravitatem dum floret. The British Mu-
seum copy has a semicolon after blossom and no stop after berberries (or
beare-berries as it is spelt) : my copy has a semicolon after beare-berries
and no stop after blossom. It is difficult to say which has been the alter-
ation ; for in the original setting of the type room for a semicolon does not
seem to have been left in either place. Here (as before) I suspect the in-
tention of the corrector was to insert the first without removing the second.
The parenthesis certainly refers to the berberry ; the blossom of which has
an offensive smell, when too near.
6 ne deformiter excrescant.
244 OF GARDENS.
of them likewise for shelter, that when the wind blows
sharp, you may walk as in a gallery. And those alleys
must be likewise hedged at both ends, to keep out the
wind ; and these closer alleys must be ever finely grav-
elled, and no grass, because of going wet. In many
of these alleys likewise, you are to set fruit-trees of all
sorts ; as well upon the walls as in ranges. And this
would be generally observed, that the borders wherein
you plant your fruit-trees be fair and large, and low,
and not steep ; ^ and set with fine flowers, but thin
and sparingly, lest they deceive^ the trees. . At the
end of both the side grounds, I would have a mount
of some pretty height, leaving the wall of the enclos-
ure breast high, to look abroad into the fields.^
For the main garden, I do not deny but there should
be some fair alleys ranged on both sides, with fruit-
trees ; and some pretty tufts of fruit-trees, and arbours
with seats, set in some decent order ; * but these to be
by no means set too thick ; but to leave the main gar-
den so as it be not close, but the air open and free.
For as for shade, I would have you rest upon the alleys
of the side grounds, there to walk, if you be disposed,
in the heat of the year or day ; but to make account
that the main garden is for the more temperate parts
of the year ; and in the heat of summer, for the morn-
ing and the evening, or overcast days.
For aviaries, I like them not, except they be of that
1 et molliter ascendens.
2 succo defrattdent.
8 ad talem altitudinem parietis exterioris, ut in monticello stanti in agros
pateat prospectus.
4 ambulacra qucBdam^ eaque minime angvsta, arboribus fructiferis utrinque
consita. Quin et arboreta aliqua, arborum fructiferarum prope consitarum ;
et umbracula artificiosa et bella cum sedibus ordine eleganti locata.
OF NEGOCIATING. 245
largeness as they may be turfed, and have living plants
and bushes set in them ; that the birds may have more
scope, and natural nestling,^ and that no foulness ap-
pear in the floor of the aviary.^ So I have made a
platform of a princely garden, partly by precept, partly
by drawing, not a model, but some general lines of it;^
and in this I have spared for no cost. But it is nothing
for great princes, that for the most part taking advice
with workmen,* with no less cost set their things to-
gether ; ^ and sometimes add statua's, and such things,
for state and magnificence, but nothing to the true
pleasure of a garden.
XL VII. Of Negociating.
It is generally better to deal by speech than by let-
ter ; and by the mediation of a third than by a man's
self. Letters are good, when a man w^ould draw an
answer by letter back again ; or when it may serve for
a man's justification afterwards to produce his own
letter; or where it may be danger to be interrupted,
or heard by pieces. To deal in person is good, when
a man's face breedeth regard, as commonly with in-
feriors ; or in tender cases,^ where a man's eye upon
the countenance of him with whom he speaketh may
1 ut aves liberius volitent, et se per diversa oblectare et componere possint.
2 The translation adds : Quantum vero ad ambulacra in clivis et variis
ascendbus amoinis conficienda^ ilia Naturae dona sunt, nee vbique extrui pos-
sunt ; nos autem eaposuimus quce omni loco conveniunt.
8 partim modulo generali, sed minime accurate.
■* hortulanos.
^ varia, parum cumjudicio, componunt
6 in rebus quas extremis tantum digitis tangere convenit.
246
OF NEGOCIATING.
give him a direction how far to go ; and generally,
where a man will reserve to himself liberty either to
disavow or to expound. In choice of instruments, it
is better to choose men of a plainer sort, that are like
to do that that is committed to them, and to report
back again faithfully the success, than those that are
cunning to contrive out of other men's business some-
what to grace themselves, and will help the matter in
report ^ for satisfaction sake. Use also such persons as
affect the business wherein they are employed ; for that
quickeneth much ; and such as are fit for the matter ;
as bold men for expostulation, fair-spoken men for per-
suasion, crafty men for inquiry and observation, fro-
ward and absurd men for business that doth not well
bear out itself.^ Use also such as have been lucky, and
prevailed before in things wherein you have employed
them ; for that breeds confidence, and they will strive
to maintain their prescription. It is better to sound a
person with whom one deals afar off, than to fall u])on
the point at first ; except you mean to surprise him by
some short question. It is better dealing with men in
appetite, than with those that are where they would be.
If a man deal with another upon conditions, the start
or first performance is all ; ^ which a man cannot rea-
sonably demand, except either the nature of the thing
be such, which must go before ; or else a man can per-
suade the other party that he shall still need him in
some other thing ; or else that he be counted the hon-
ester man.* All practice ° is to discover, or to work.
1 ea quae, referent verbis emollient.
2 qtuE aliquid iniqid habeat.
* prima velut occupatio autpossessio votorum mpradpuii numerandcL
*pro homine imprimis integro et verace.
^negotiaiio.
OF FOLLOWERS AND FRIENDS. 247
Men discover themselves in trust, in passion, at una-
wares, and of necessity, when they would have some-
what done and cannot find an apt pretext. If you
would work^ any man, you must either know his
nature and fashions, and so lead him ; or his ends, and
so persuade him ; or his weakness and disadvantages,
and so awe him ; or those that have interest in him,
and so govern him. In dealing with cunning persons,
we must ever consider their ends, to interpret their
speeches ; and it is good to say little to them, and that
w^hich they least look for. In all negociations of diffi-
culty, a man may not look to sow and reap at once ;
but must prepare business, and so ripen it by degrees.
XL VIII. Of Followers and Friends.
Costly followers are not to be liked ; lest while
a man maketh his train longer, he make his wings
shorter. I reckon to be costly, not them alone which
charge the purse, but which are wearisome and impor-
tune in suits. Ordinary followers ought to challenge
no higher conditions than countenance, recommenda-
tion, and protection from w^rongs. Factious followers
are worse to be liked, which follow not upon affection
to him with whom they range themselves, but upon
discontentment conceived against some other; where-
upon commonly ensueth that ill intelligence that we
many times see between great personages. Likewise
glorious followers, who make themselves as trumpets
of the commendation of those they follow, are full of
inconvenience ; for they taint business through want of
1 si quern ad nutumjingere cupias, ut inde efficias aliquid.
248
OF FOLLOWERS AND FRIENDS.
secrecy ; ^ and they export honour from a man,^ and
make him a return in envy. There is a kind of fol-
lowers likewise which are dangerous, being indeed
espials ; which inquire the secrets of the house, and
bear tales of them to others. Yet such men, many
times, are in great favour ; for they are officious, and
commonly exchange tales. The following by certain
estates of men, answerable to that which a great per-
son himself professeth, (as of soldiers to him that hath
been employed in the wars, and the like,) hath ever
been a thing civil,^ and well taken even in monarchies ;
so it be without too much pomp or popularity. But
the most honourable kind of following is to be followed
as one that apprehendeth to advance virtue and desert*
in all sorts of persons. And yet, where there is no
eminent odds in sufficiency, it is better to take with the
more passable, than with the more able.^ And besides,
to speak truth, in base times active men are of more
use than virtuous. It is true that in government it is
good to use men of one rank equally : for to counte-
nance some extraordinarily, is to make them insolent,
and the rest discontent ; because they may claim a
due.^ But contrariwise, in favour, to use men with
much difference and election is good ; for it maketh the
persons preferred more thankful, and the rest more
officious: because all is of favour." It is good dis-
^futilitate sua.
2 The translation inserts, si quis vere rem reputet.
^pro re decora habitum est.
■* ut quis patronum se profiteatur eorum qui virtute et mentis clarent.
^prcBstat mediocribus patrocinan quam eminentioribus.
6 quandoquidem ordinis paritas cequas gratice conditiones tanquam ex debito
posdt.
' ' :jue de hoc merito conqueratur quispiam, quum omnia ex gratia non ex
debito prodeant.
OF SUITORS. 249
cretion not to make too mucli of any man at tlie first ;
because one cannot hold out that proportion. To be
governed (as we call it) by one, is not safe ; for it
shews softness, and gives a freedom to scandal and dis-
reputation ; for those that would not censure or speak
ill of a man immediately, will talk more boldly of those
that are so great with them, and thereby wound their
honour. Yet to be distracted with many is worse ; for
it makes men to be of the last impression,^ and full of
change. To take advice of some few friends is ever
honourable ; for lookers-on many times see more than
gamesters; and^ the vale best discovereth the hill. There
is little friendship in the world, and least of all between
equals, which was wont to be magnified. That that is,
is between superior and inferior, whose fortunes may
comprehend the one the other.
XLIX. Of Suitors.
Many ill matters and projects are undertaken ; and
private suits do putrefy the public good. Many good
matters are undertaken with bad minds ; I mean not
only corrupt minds, but crafty minds, that intend not
performance. Some embrace^ suits, which never mean
to deal effectually in them ; but if they see there may
be life in the matter by some other mean, they will be
content to win a thank, or take a second reward, or
at least to make use in the mean time of the suitor's
hopes. Some take hold of suits only for an occasion to
'^postremce (ut nunc loquuntur) editionis. Whence it would appear that the
metaphor is from the printing-press.
2 atque {ut adagio dicitur). 3 recipiunt et operant avide pollicentur.
250 OF SUITORS.
cross some other ; or to make an information ^ whereof
thej could not otherwise have apt pretext ; without
care what become of the suit when that turn is served ;
or, generally, to make other men's business a kind of
entertainment to bring in their own. Nay some under-
take suits, with a full purpose to let them fall ; to the
end to gratify the adverse party or competitor. Surely
there is in some sort a right in every suit; either a
right in equity, if it be a suit of controversy ; or a
right of desert, if it be a suit of petition. If affection
lead a man to favour the wrong side in justice, let him
rather use his countenance to compound the matter
than to carry it. If affection lead a man to favour
the less worthy in desert, let him do it without deprav-
ing or disabling the better deserver. In suits which a
man doth not well understand, it is good to refer them
to some friend of trust and judgment, that may report
whether he may deal in them with honour: but let him
choose well his referendaries, for else he may be led by
the nose. Suitors are so distasted with delays and
abuses, that plain dealing in denying to deal in suits at
first, and reporting the success barely, and in challeng-
ing no more thanks than one hath deserved, is grown
not only honourable but also gracious. In suits of fa-
vour, the first coming ought to take little place : so far
forth consideration may be had of his trust,^ that if in-
telligence of the matter could not otherwise have been
had but by him, advantage be not taken of the note,
but the party left to his other means ; and in some sort
recompensed for his discovery.^ To be ignorant of the
1 ut aliquid obiter deferant et informent.
^Jides in re ilia patefacienda.
8 hoc eifraudi non sit, sedpotius remuneretur.
OF SUITORS. 251
value of a suit is simplicity ; as well as to be ignorant
of the right thereof is want of conscience. Secrecy in
suits is a great mean of obtaining ; for voicing them to
be in forwardness may discourage some kind of suitors,
but doth quicken and awake others. But timing of the
suit is the principal. Timing, I say, not only in re-
spect of the person that should grant it, but in respect
of those which are like to cross it. Let a man, in the
choice of his mean, rather choose the fittest mean than
the greatest mean ; and rather them that deal in cer-
tain things, than those that are general.^ The repara-
tion of a denial is sometimes equal to the first grant ; ^
if a man shew himself neither dejected nor discontented.
Iniquum petas ut cequum feras^ [Ask more than is rea-
sonable, that you may get no less,] is a good rule,
where a man hath strength of favour : but otherwise
a man were better rise in his suit ; ^ for he that would
have ventured at first to have lost the suitor, will not
in the conclusion lose both the suitor and his own
former favour. Nothing is thought so easy a request
to a great person, as his letter ; and yet, if it be not
in a good cause, it is so much out of his reputation.
There are no worse instruments* than these general
contrivers of suits ; for they are but a kind of poison
and infection to public proceedings.
1 atque eum potius adhibe qui paucioribvs negotiis se immiscet, quam qui
omnia complectitur.
2 Denegatce petitionis iieratio concessioni ipsi quandoque cequipoUet
6 gradibus quibusdam ad id quod petis ascender e, et aliquid saltern impe-
irare.
* non invenitur in rebuspubUds perniciositis hominum genus.
252 OF STUDIES.
L. Op Studies.
Studies serve for delight, for ornament, and for
ability.^ Their chief use for delight, is in privateness
and retiring ; for ornament, is in discourse ; ^ and for
ability, is in the judgment and disposition of business.^
For expert men can execute, and perhaps judge of
particulars, one by one ; but the general counsels, and
the plots and marshalling of affairs, come best from
those that are learned. To spend too much time in
studies is sloth ; * to use them too much for ornament,
is affectation ; ^ to make judgment wholly by their
rules, is the humour of a scholar.^ They perfect na-
ture, and are perfected by experience : for natural
abilities are like natural plants, that need proyning"^
by study ; and studies themselves do give forth direc-
tions too much at large, except they be bounded in by
experience. Crafty men contemn studies, simple men
admire them, and wise men use them ; for they teach
not their own use ; but that is a wisdom without them,
and above them, won by observation. Read not to
contradict and confute ; nor to believe and take for
granted ; nor to find talk and discourse ; but to weigh
and consider.^ Some books are to be tasted, others to
1 ant meditationum voluptati, aut orationis ornamento, aut negoiiorum sub-
sidio.
2 in sermone txim familiari quam solemni,
8 ut accuratiore judicio res et suscipiantur et disponaniur.
4 speciosa qitcedam socordia. 5 affectatio mera est qtus se ipsam prodit.
6 de rebus aittem ex regulis artis jvdicare, scholam omnino sapit, nee bene
succedit.
7 So in the original. Compare Sylva Sylvarum^ § 432. : " the lower boughs
only maintained, and the higher contmnaWj proined off: " and again § 823.:
"many birds do praine their feathers: " from which I suppose that it is not
a misprint, but another form of the word.
8 sed ut addiscas, ponder es, et judicio tuo aliquatenus utaris.
OF STUDIES. 253
be swallowed,^ and some few to be chewed and di-
gested; that is, some books are to be read only in
parts ; others to be read, but not curiously ; and some
few to be read wholly, and with diligence and atten-
tion. Some books also may be read by deputy, and ex-
tracts made of them by others ; ^ but that would be only
in the less important arguments, and the meaner sort
of books ; else distilled books are like common distilled
waters, flashy things.^ Reading maketh a full man ;
conference a ready man ; and writing an exact man.*
And therefore, if a man write little, he had need have
a great memory ; if he confer little, he had need
have a present wit : and if he read little, he had
need have much cunning, to seem to know that he
doth not. Histories make men wise ; poets witty ; the
mathematics subtile ; natural philosophy deep ; moral
grave ;^ logic and rhetoric able to contend.^ Abeunt
studia in mores. [The studies pass into the manners.]
Nay there is no stond or impediment in the wit, but
may be wrought out by fit studies : like as diseases of
the body may have appropriate exercises. Bowling is
good for the stone and reins ; shooting for the lungs
and breast ; gentle walking for the stomach ; riding for
head ; and the like. So if a man's wit be wandering,
let him study the mathematics ; for in demonstrations,
if his wit be called away never so little, he must begin
again. If his wit be not apt to distinguish or find
1 qiios deglutire cursimque legere qportet.
2 eorumque compendia tantum desumere.
^penitus insipidi.
4 scriptio autem, et notarum coUectio, perlecta in animo imprimit et altius
jigU.
6 gravitatem qv^ndam morum conciliat.
^ jpugnacem reddit, et ad contentiones alacrem.
254 OF FACTION.
differences, let him study the schoolmen ; for they are
cymini sector es^ [splitters of hairs.] If he be not apt
to beat over matters,^ and to call up one thing to prove
and illustrate another, let him study the lawyers' cases.
So every defect of the mind may have a special receipt.
LI. Of Faction.
Many have an opinion not wise, that for a prince
to govern his estate, or for a great person to govern
his proceedings, according to the respect of factions, is
a principal part of policy ; whereas contrariwise, the
chiefest wisdom is either in ordering those things which
are general, and wherein men of several factions do
nevertheless agree ; or in deahng with correspondence
to particular persons, one by one.^ But I say not that
the consideration of factions is to be neglected. Mean
men, in their rising, must adhere ; but great men, that
have strength in themselves,^ were better to maintain
themselves indifferent and neutral. Yet even in be-
ginners, to adhere so moderately, as he be a man of
the one faction which is most passable with the other,
commonly giveth best way.* The lower and weaker
faction is the firmer in conjunction ; and it is often seen
that a few that are stiff do tire out a greater number
that are more moderate. When one of the factions is
extinguished, the remaining subdivideth ; as the faction
1 si quis ad transcursus ingenii segnis sit.
2 in palpandis, concUiandis, et tractandis singtiUs.
^jampridem honor em adeptis.
4 ita caute adluerere, ut videatur quis alteri ex partibus addictus, et tamen
parti adversce minime odiosus, viam. quandam stemit ad honores per medium
factionum.
OF FACTION. 255
between Lucullus and the rest of the nobles of the
senate (which they called Optimates) held out awhile
against the faction of Pompey and Caesar ; but when
the senate's authority was pulled down, Caesar and
Pompey soon after brake. The faction or party of
Antonius and Octavianus Caesar against Brutus and
Cassius, held out likewise for a time ; but when Brutus
and Cassius were overthrown, then soon after Antonius
and Octavianus brake and subdivided. These exam-
ples are of wars, but the same holdeth in private fac-
tions. And therefore those that are seconds in factions
do many times, when the faction subdivideth, prove
principals ; but many times also they prove cyphers
and cashiered ; for many a man's strength is in opposi-
tion ; and when that faileth he groweth out of use. It
is commonly seen that men once placed take in with
the contrary faction to that by which they enter :
thinking belike that they have the first sure, and now
are ready for a new purchase.^ The traitor in faction
lightly goeth away with it;^ for when matters have
stuck long in balancing,^ the winning of some one man
casteth them, and he getteth all the thanks. The even
carriage between two factions proceedeth not always of
moderation, but of a trueness to a man's self, with end
to make use of both."* Certainly in Italy they hold it
a little suspect in popes, when they have often in their
mouth Padre commune : ^ and take it to be a sign of
1 ad novos amicos conciliandos se comparare.
^plerumque rem obtinet.
8 tanquam in cequilibrio.
4 sed ex consilio callido, quandoquidem proximus sibi qidsque sit, atque esc
tUrdque factione utilitatem demetere speret.
5 in suspicionem incurrit Papa, de qvo vox iUa in xndgus volitat, Padre
Commune.
256 OF CEREMONIES AND RESPECTS.
one that meaneth to refer all to the greatness of his
own house. Kings had need beware how they side
themselves, and make themselves as of a faction or
party ; for leagues within the state are ever pernicious
to monarcliies : for they raise an obligation paramount
to obligation of sovereignty, and make the king tan-
quam unus ex nobis [like one of themselves] ; as was
to be seen in the League of France. When factions
are carried too high and too violently,^ it is a sign of
weakness in princes ; and much to the prejudice both
of their authority and business. The motions of fac-
tions under kings ought to be like the motions (as the
astronomers speak) of the inferior orbs, which may
have their proper motions, but yet still are quietly
carried by the higher motion of primum mobile.
LII. Of Ceremonies and Respects.^
He that is only real, had need have exceeding great
parts of virtue ; as the stone had need to be rich that
is set without foil.^ But if a man mark it well, it is
in praise and commendation of men as it is in gettings
and gains : for the proverb is true. That light gains
make heavy purses ; for light gains come thick, where-
as great come but now and then. So it is true that
small matters ^ win great commendation, because they
are continually in use and in note : whereas the occa-
sion of any great virtue cometh but on festivals.^
1 cumfactiones manuforti etpalam concertant.
2 De Cceremoniis Civilibus, et Decoro.
8 sine ornamento omni.
* exigiux virtutes.
5 raro admodum obtingit.
OF CEREMONIES AND RESPECTS. 257
Therefore it doth much add to a man's reputation, and
is (as queen Isabella ^ said) like perpetual letters commen-
datory^ to have good forms. To attain them it almost
sufficeth not to despise them ; for so shall a man ob-
serve them in others ; and let him trust himself with
the rest. For if he labour too much to express them,
he shall lose their grace ; which is to be natural and
unaffected. Some men's behaviour^ is like a verse,
wherein every syllable is measured; how can a man
comprehend great matters, that breaketh his mind too
much to small observations ? Not to use ceremonies at
all, is to teach others not to use them again ; and so
diminisheth respect to himself; especially they be not
to be omitted to strangers and formal natures ; but
the dwelling upon them, and exalting them above the
moon,^ is not only tedious, but doth diminish the faith
and credit of him that speaks.* And certainly there
is a kind of conveying of effectual and imprinting
passages amongst compliments,^ which is of singular
use, if a man can hit upon it. Amongst a man's peers
a man shall be sure of familiarity ; and therefore it is
good a little to keep state. Amongst a man's inferiors
one shall be sure of reverence ; and therefore it is good
a little to be familiar. He that is too much in any-
thing, so that he giveth another occasion of satiety,
maketh himself cheap. To apply one's self to others
is good ; so it be with demonstration that a man doth
it upon regard,^ and not upon facility. It is a good
1 Isabella, regina Castiliana. 2 vultus et gestus et externa alia.
8 locutio hyperbolica {quali nonnuUi utuntur).
4 etpondus eorum qucB dicuntur.
5 modus artificiosce cujusdam insinuationis, in verbis ipsis, inter formulas
communes, qui homines revera inescat et mirifice afficit.
6 ex comitate et urbanitate.
VOL. XII. 17
258
OF PRAISE.
precept generally in seconding another, yet to add
somewhat of one's own : as if you will grant his opin-
ion, let it be with some distinction ; if you will follow
his motion, let it be with condition ; if you allow his
counsel, let it be with alleging further reason. Men
had need beware how they be too perfect in compli-
ments ; ^ for be they never so sufficient otherwise, their
enviers will be sure to give them that attribute,^ to the
disadvantage of their greater virtues. It is loss also in
business to be too full of respects, or to be curious in
observing times and opportunities. Salomon saith, He
that considereth the wind shall not sow^ and he that looJc-
eth to the clouds shall not reap. A wise man will make
more opportunities than he finds. Men's behaviour
should be like their apparel, not too strait or point
device, but free for exercise or motion.
LIII. Of Praise.
Praise is the reflexion of virtue. But it is as the
glass or body which giveth the reflexion.^ If it be
from the common people, it is commonly false and
naught ; and rather followeth vain persons than vir-
tuous. For the common people understand not many
excellent virtues. The lowest virtues draw praise from
them ; the middle virtues work in them astonishment
or admiration ; but of the highest virtues they have no
sense of perceiving at all. But shews, and species vir-
1 cceremoniis etformulis.
2 audies tamen ab invidis, in nominis tui detrimentum^ urbanus tantum et
affectator.
3 atque ut Jit in speciUis, trahit aliquid e natura corporis quod reflexionem
preset.
OF PRAISE. 259
tutihus similes^ serve best with them. Certainly fame is
like a river, that beareth up things light and swoln, and
drowns things weighty and solid. But if persons of
quality and judgment concur,^ then it is (as the Scrip-
ture saith), Nomen bonum instar unguenti fragrantis ;
[a good name hke unto a sweet ointment.] It filleth
all round about, and will not easily away. For the
odours of ointments are more durable than those of
flowers. There be so many false points ^ of praise,
that a man may justly hold it a suspect. Some praises
proceed merely of flattery ; and if he be an ordinary
flatterer, he will have certain common attributes, which
may serve every man ; if he be a cunning flatterer, he
will follow the arch-flatterer, which is a man's self;
and wherein a man thinketh best of himself, therein
the flatterer will uphold him most ; but if he be an im-
pudent flatterer, look wherein a man is conscious to
himself that he is most defective, and is most out of
countenance in himself, that will the flatterer entitle
him to perforce, spretd conscientid. Some praises come
of good wishes and respects,^ which is a form due in
civility to kings and great persons, laudando prceeipere ;
when by telling men what they are, they represent* to
them what they should be. Some men are praised
maliciously to their hurt, thereby to stir envy and jeal-
ousy towards them ; pessimum genus inimicorum lai/n
dantium ; [the worst kind of enemies are they that
praise ; ] insomuch as it was a proverb amongst the
Grecians, that he that was praised to his hurt, should
1 cum vulgo concurrunt.
2 conditixmes fallaces.
8 a volwntate band cum reverentid conjuncta prqfidscuntur.
* humiliter moneas.
260
OF VAIN-GLORY.
liave a push rise upon his nose ; as we say, that a blister
will rise upon one^s tongue that tells a lie. Certainly-
moderate praise, used with opportunity,^ and not vul-
gar, is that which doth the good.^ Salomon saith. He
that praiseth his friend aloud, rising early, it shall he to
him no better than a curse. Too much magnifying of
man or matter doth irritate contradiction, and procure
envy and scorn. To praise a man's self cannot be
decent, except it be in rare cases ; but to praise a
man's office or profession, he may do it with good
grace, and with a kind of magnanimity. The Cardi-
nals of Rome, which are theologues, and friars, and
schoolmen, have a phrase of notable contempt and
scorn towards civil business : for they call all temporal
business of wars, embassages, judicature, and other em-
plo}Tnents, sbirrerie, which is under-sheriffries ; as if
they w^ere but matters for under-sheriffs and catch-
poles : though many times those under-sheriifries do
more good than their high speculations.^ St. Paul,
when he boasts of himself, he doth oft interlace, /
speak like a fool; but speaking of his calling, he saith,
magnificabo apostolatum meum : [I will magnify my
mission.]
LIV. Of Vain-Glory.
It was prettily devised of ^sop ; the fly sat upon the
axle-tree of the chariot wheel, and said, What a dust do
I raise! So are there some vain persons, that whatso-
1 tempestive irrogatos.
2 honoH vel maxime esse.
^ ac si artes illm memoratce magis ejusmodi homines, quam in fastigio Car-
dinalatus positos, decerent : et tamen {si res rite penderetur) speculativa cum
civiWbus mm male miscentur.
OF VAIN-GLORY. 261
ever goetli alone or moveth upon greater means/ if
they have never so little hand in it, they think it is
they that carry it. They that are glorious must needs
be factious ; for all bravery stands upon comparisons.^
They must needs be violent, to make good their own
vaunts. Neither can they be secret, and therefore not
effectual ; ^ but according to the French proverb, Beau-
coup de hruit^ pen de fruit; Much bruit, little fruit.
Yet certainly there is use of this quality * in civil af-
fairs. Where there is an opinion and fame to be cre-
ated either of virtue or greatness, these men are good
trumpeters. Again, as Titus Livius noteth in the case
of Antiochus and the ^tolians. There are sometimes
great effects of cross lies ; ^ as if a man that negociates
between two princes, to draw them to join in a war
against the third, doth extol the forces of either of them
above measure, the one to the other: and sometimes
he that deals between man and man, raiseth his own
credit with both, by pretending greater interest than
he hath in either. And in these and the like kinds, it
often falls out that somewhat is produced of nothing ;
for lies are sufficient to breed opinion, and opinion
brings on substance. In miHtar^ commanders and
soldiers, vain-glory is an essential point ; '^ for as iron
sharpens iron, so by glory one courage sharpeneth an-
other. In cases of great enterprise upon charge and
1 cum aliquid vel sponte procedit, vel nianu j)otentiore cietur.
2 nulla ostentatio sine comparatione sui est,
8 ideoqjie opere utplurimum destituuntur.
4 hujusmodi ingeniis.
6 mendacia reciproca, et ex utrdque parte.
6 So in the original. It is the form of the word which Bacon always
(I believe) uses.
7 non inutile est.
262
OF VAIN-GLORY.
adventure,^ a composition of glorious natures doth put
life into business ; and those that are of solid and sober
natures have more of the ballast than of the sail. In
fame of learning, the flight will be slow without some
feathers of ostentation. Qui de contemnendd gloHd
lihros scribunt, nomen suum inscribunt [They that
write books on the worthlessness of glory, take care to
put their names on the title page.] Socrates, Aris-
totle, Galen, were men fiill of ostentation .^ Certainly
vain-glory helpeth to perpetuate a man's memory ; and
virtue was never so beholding to human nature, as it
received his due at the second hand.^ Neither had the
fame of Cicero, Seneca, Plinius Secundus, borne her
age so well,* if it had not been joined with some van-
ity ^ in themselves ; like unto varnish, that makes ceil-
ings not only shine but last. But all this while, when
I speak of vain-glory, I mean not of that property that
Tacitus doth attribute to Mucianus ; Omnium, quee
dixerat feceratque, arte quddam ostentator : [A man
that had a kind of art of setting forth to advantage all
that he had said or done :] for that proceeds not of
vanity, but of natural magnanimity and discretion ; ^
and in some persons ^ is not only comely, but gracious.
For excusations, cessions, modesty itself well governed,
are but arts of ostentation. And amongst those arts
there is none better than that which Plinius Secundus
1 qtus sumptibtis et periculo privatomm suscipiwrUur.
2 {magna nomina) ingenio jactabundo erant.
8 Neque virtus ipsa tantum humance natures debet propter nominis sui cele-
hrationem, quam sibi ipsi.
4 ad hunc usque diem vix durasset, aut saltern non tarn vegeta.
8 vanitate etjactantid.
6 ex arte et prudentid, cum magnanimitate quddam conjunctd.
f in aliquibus hominibus qui naturd veluti comparati ad earn sunt.
OF HONOUR AND REPUTATION. 263
speaketh of, which is to be liberal of praise and com-
mendation to others, in that wherein a man's self hath
any perfection. For saith Pliny very wittily, In com-
mending another you do yourself right ; for he that you
commend is either superior to you in that you commend.,
or inferior. If he he inferior^ if he he to he commended^
you much more ; if he he superior^ if he he not to he comr-
mended^f you much less. Glorious men are the scorn of
wise men, the admiration of fools, the idols of para-
sites, and the slaves of their own vaunts.^
LV. Of Honour and Reputation.
The winning of Honour ^ is but the revealing of a
man's virtue and worth without disadvantage. For
some in their actions do woo and affect honour and
reputation ; which sort of men are commonly much
talked of, but inwardly little admired. And some,
contrariwise, darken their virtue in the shew of it ; so
as they be undervalued in opinion. If a man perform
that which hath not been attempted before ; or at-
tempted and given over ; or hath been achieved, but
not with so good circumstance; he shall purchase more
honour, than by effecting a matter of greater difficulty
or virtue, wherein he is but a follower. If a man so
temper his actions, as in some one of them he doth
content every faction or combination of people, the
music will be the fuller. A man is an ill husband of
^ parisitis pt'cedce et escce; sibique ipsis et glories vanoe mancipia.
2 Honoris et existimationis vera et jure optimo acquisitio ea est, ut quis, &c.
Harl. MS. 5106. (for an account of which see Appendix No. II.) has " The
true winning of honour: " which is probably the true reading.
OF HONOUR AND REPUTATION.
his honour, that entereth into any action, the failing
wherein may disgrace him more than the carrying of
it through can honour him. Honour that is gained
and broken upon another^ hath the quickest ^ reflexion,
like diamonds cut with fascets.^ And therefore let a
man contend to excel any competitors of his in honour,
in outshooting them, if he can, in their own bow. Dis-
creet followers and servants help much to reputation.*
Omnis fama a domesticis emanat. Envy, which is the
canker of honour, is best extinguished by declaring a
man's self in his ends rather to seek merit than fame ;
and by attributing a man's successes rather to divine
Providence and felicity, than to his own virtue or
policy. The true marshalling of the degrees of sov-
ereign honour are these. In the first place are
conditores imperiorum^ founders of states and com-
monwealths ; such as were Romulus, Cyrus, Caesar,
Ottoman, Ismael. In the second place are legislatores^
lawgivers ; which are also called second founders^ or
perpetui principes, because they govern by their ordi-
nances after they are gone ; such were Lycurgus, Solon,
Justinian, Eadgar, Alphonsus of Castile, the wise, that
made the Siete partidas. In the third place are libera^
tores^ or salvatores^^ such as compound the long miseries
of civil wars, or deliver their countries from servitude
of strangers or tyrants ; as Augustus Caesar, Vespasi-
anus, Aurelianus, Theodoricus, King Henry the Sev-
enth of England, King Henry the Fourth of France.
In the fourth place are propagatores or propugnatores
imperii ; such as in honourable wars enlarge their ter-
1 qui comparativus
2 maxime vividam.
4 Ita Q. Cicero.
it et alium prcBgravat. ^
8 cum angulis muUipIicibus.
6 sive servatores patriarum suarum.
I
OF JUDICATURE. 265
ritories, or make noble defence against invaders. And
in the last place are patres patrice^ [fathers of their
country ;] which reign justly, and make the times good
wherein they live. Both which last kinds need no
examples, they are in such number. Degrees of hon-
our in subjects are, first partidpes curarum^ those upon
whom princes do discharge the greatest weight of their
affairs ; their right hands, as we call them. The next
are duces belli, great leaders ; such as are princes' lieu-
tenants, and do them notable services in the wars.
The third are gratiosi, favourites ; such as exceed not
this scantling, to be solace to the sovereign, and harm-
less to the people. And the fourth, negotiis pares;
such as have great places under princes, and execute
their places with sufficiency. There is an honour,
likewise, which may be ranked amongst the greatest,
which happeneth rarely ; that is, of such as sacrifice
themselves to death or danger for the good of their
country ; as was M. Regulus, and the two Decii.
LVI. Of Judicature.
Judges ought to remember that their office is jus
dicere, and not jus dare ; to interpret law, and not to
make law, or give law. Else will it be like the au-
thority claimed by the church of Rome, which under
pretext of exposition of Scripture doth not stick to add
and alter ; and to pronounce that which they do not
find ; and by shew of antiquity to introduce novelty.
Judges ought to be more learned than witty, more
reverend than plausible, and more advised than con-
fident. Above all things, integrity is their portion and
266
OF JUDICATURE.
proper virtue. Cursed (saith the law) is he that ren
moveth the landmark. The mislayer of a mere-stone is
to blame. But it is the unjust judge that is the capital
remover of landmarks, when he defineth amiss of lands
and property. One foul sentence doth more hurt than
many foul examples. For these do but corrupt the
stream, the other corrupteth the fountain. So saith
Salomon, Fons turhatus, et vena corrupta, est Justus
cadens in eausd sua coram adversaria: [A righteous
man falling down before the wicked is as a troubled
fountain or a corrupt spring.] The office of judges
may have reference unto the parties that sue, unto the
advocates that plead, unto the clerks and ministers of
justice underneath them, and to the sovereign or state
above them.
First, for the causes or parties that sue. There he
(saith the Scripture) that turn judgment into wormr
wood; and surely there be also that turn it into vine-
gar ; for injustice maketh it bitter, and delays make
it sour. The principal duty of a judge is to suppress
force and fraud ; whereof force is the more pernicious
when it is open, and fraud when it is close and dis-
guised. Add thereto contentious suits, which ought
to be spewed out, as the surfeit of courts. A judge
ought to prepare his way to a just sentence, as God
useth to prepare his way, by raising valleys and taking
down hills : so when there appeareth on either side an
high hand, violent prosecution, cunning advantages
taken, combination, power, great counsel,^ then is the
virtue of a judge seen, to make inequality equal ; ^ that
1 manum elatam, veluti in prosecutione importund, captionibus malitiosis,
comMnationibus, patrocinio potentum, advocatorum disparitate, et similibus.
2 in cequandis its quce sunt incequalia.
OF JUDICATURE. 267
he may plant his judgment as upon an even ground.
Qui fortiter emungit, elicit sanguinem ; [Violent blow-
ing makes the nose bleed ; ] and where the wine-press
is hard wrought, it yields a harsh wine, that tastes of
the grape-stone. Judges must beware of hard con-
structions and strained inferences ; for there is no worse
torture than the torture of laws. Specially in case of
laws penal, they ought to have care that that which was
meant for terror be not turned into rigour ; and that
they bring not upon the people that shower whereof
the Scripture speaketh, Pluet super eos laqueos ; for
penal laws pressed are a shower of snares upon the
people. Therefore let penal laws, if they have been
sleepers of long, or if they be grown unfit for the
present time, be by wise judges confined in the execu-
tion : Jadicis officium est, ut res, ita tempora rerum,
^c, [A judge must have regard to the time as well
as to the matter.] In causes of life and death, judges
ought (as far as the law permitteth) in justice to re-
member mercy ; and to cast a severe eye upon the
example, but a merciful eye upon the person.
Secondly, for the advocates and counsel that plead.
Patience and gravity of hearing is an essential part of
justice ; and an overspeaking judge is no well-tuned
cymbal. It is no grace to a judge first to find that
which he might have heard in due time from the bar ;
or to show quickness of conceit in cutting off evidence
or counsel too short ; or to prevent information by
questions, though pertinent. The parts of a judge in
hearing are four : to direct the evidence ; to moderate
length,^ repetition, or impertinency of speech ; to reca-
pitulate, select, and collate the material points of that
1 advocatorum et testium prolixitatem.
268
OF JUDICATURE.
which hath been said ; and to give the rule or sei
tence. Whatsoever is above these is too much ; and''
proceedeth either of glory and willingness to speak, or
of impatience to hear, or of shortness of memory, or
of want of a staid and equal attention. It is a strange
thing to see that^ the boldness of advocates should pre-
vail with judges ; whereas they should imitate God, in
whose seat they sit ; who represseth the presumptuous^
and giveth grace to the modest. But it is more strange,
that judges should have noted favourites ;2 which can-
not but cause multiplication of fees, and suspicion of
bye-ways.^ There is due from the judge to the advo-
cate some commendation and gracing, where causes
are well handled and fair pleaded ; especially towards
the side which obtaineth not ; for that upholds in the
client the reputation of his counsel, and beats down in
him the conceit of his cause. There is likewise due
to the public a civil reprehension of advocates, where
there appeareth cunning counsel, gross neglect, slight
information, indiscreet pressing, or an over-bold de-
fence. And let not the counsel at the bar chop with
the judge,* nor wind himself into the handling of the
cause anew after the judge hath declared his sentence ;
but on the other side, let not the judge meet the cause
half way, nor give occasion for the party to say his
counsel or proofs were not heard.
Thirdly, for that that concerns clerks and ministers.
The place of justice is an hallowed place ; and therefore
not only the bench, but the foot-pace and precincts and
purprise thereof, ought to be preserved without scandal
1 quantum.
2 advocaiis quibusdam prce cceteris immoderate et aperte favere.
8 corruptionis, et obliqui adjudices aditus.
4 obstrepat.
OF JUDICATURE. 269
and corruption. For certainly Grapes (as the Scrip-
ture saith) will not be gathered of thorns or thistles ;
neither can justice yield her fruit with sweetness
amongst the briars and brambles of catching and poll-
ing ^ clerks and ministers. The attendance of courts is
subject to four bad instruments. First, certain persons
that are sowers of suits ; which make the court swell,
and the country pine. The second sort is of those that
engage courts in quarrels of jurisdiction, and are not
truly amici ounce, but parasiti curice, in puffing a court
up beyond her bounds, for their own scraps and advan-
tage. The third sort is of those that may be accounted
the left hands of courts ; persons that are full of nim-
ble and sinister tricks and shifts, whereby they pervert
the plain and direct courses of courts, and bring jus-
tice into oblique lines and labyrinths. And the fourth
is the poller and exacter of fees ; which justifies the
common resemblance of the courts of justice to the
bush whereunto while the sheep flies for defence in
weather, he is sure to lose part of his fleece. On the
other side, an ancient clerk, skilftil in precedents, wary
in proceeding,^ and understanding in the business of
the court, is an excellent finger of a court ; and doth
many times point the way to the judge himself.
Fourthly, for that which may concern the sovereign
and estate. Judges ought above all to remember the
conclusion of the Roman Twelve Tables ; Salus populi
mprema lex; [The supreme law of all is the weal of
the people ;] and to know that laws, except they be in
order to that end, are but things captious, and oracles
not well inspired. Therefore it is an happy thing
1 rapacium et lucris inhiantium.
2 in actis ipsis condpiendis cautus.
270
OF JUDICATURE.
in a state when kings and states do often consult witl
judges; and again when judges do often consult wit
the king and state : the one, when there is matter oi
law intervenient in business of state ; the other, whei
there is some consideration of state intervenient
matter of law. For many times the things deduced
to judgment may be meum and tuum^ when the reason
and consequence thereof may trench to point of estate :
I call matter of estate, not only the parts of sovei
eignty,^ but whatsoever introduceth any great altei
tion or dangerous precedent; or concemeth^ manifest!]
any great portion of people. And let no man weakly
conceive that just laws and true policy have any antip-
athy ; for they are like the spirits and sinews, that one
moves with the other. Let judges also remember, that
Salomon's throne was supported by lions on both sides :
let them be lions, but yet lions under the throne ; being
circumspect that they do not check or oppose any points
of sovereignty. Let not judges also be so ignorant of
their own right, as to think there is not left to them, as
a principal part of their office, a wise use and applic
tion of laws. For they may remember what the ape
tie saith of a greater law than theirs ; No8 scimus quia
lex bona est, modo quis ed utatur legitime. [We know
that the law is good, if a man use it lawftdly.]
1 intelligo autem ad raiiones status pertinere, non solum si quid ad Jura Re-
galia impetenda spectet, verum eiiam, &c
2 gravet.
OF ANGER. 271
LVII. Of Anger.
To seek to extinguish Anger utterly is but a bravery
of the Stoics. We have better oracles : Be angry ^ hut
sin not. Let 7iot the sun go down upon your anger.
Anger must be limited and confined both in race and
in time.^ We will first speak how the natural inclina-
tion and habit to be angry may be attempered and
calmed. Secondly, how the particular motions of an-
ger may be repressed, or at least refi-ained from doing
mischief. Thirdly, how to raise anger or appease an-
ger in another.
For the first ; there is no other way but to meditate
and ruminate well upon the effects of anger, how it
troubles man's life. And the best time to do this, is to
look back upon anger when the fit is throughly over.
Seneca saith well. That anger is like ruin, which breaks
itself upon that it falls. The Scripture exhorteth us
To possess our souls in patience. Whosoever is out of
patience, is out of possession of his soul. Men must
not turn bees ;
animasque in viilnere ponunt :
[that put their lives in the sting.]
Anger is certainly a kind of baseness ; ^ as it appears
well in the weakness of those subjects in whom it
reigns ; children, women, old folks, sick folks. Only
men must beware that they carry their anger rather
with scorn than with fear ; ^ so that they may seem
1 et quousque et quamdiu.
2 res humilis et infra dignitatem hominis.
8 Itaque cum irasci contigent, caveani homines {si modo dignitatis siub velint
esse memores) ne iram suam cum metu eorum quibus irascuntur. sed cum con-
temptu, conjungant.
272 OF ANGER.
rather to be above the injury than below it; which
is a thing easily done, if a man will give law to him-
self in it.^
For the second point ; the causes and motives of an-
ger are chiefly three. First, to be too sensible of hurt ;
for no man is angry that feels not himself hurt ; and
therefore tender and delicate persons must needs be
oft angry ; they have so many things to trouble them,
which more robust natures have little sense of. The
next is, the apprehension and construction of the in-
jury offered to be, in the circumstances thereof, full
of contempt : ^ for contempt is that which putteth an
edge upon anger, as much or more than the hurt itself.
And therefore when men are ingenious in picking out
circumstances of contempt, they do kindle their anger
much. Lastly, opinion of the touch of a man's repu-
tation ^ doth multiply and sharpen anger. Wherein
the remedy is,* that a man should have, as Consalvo
was wont to say, telam honoris crassiorem, [an honour
of a stouter web.] But in all refi^ainings of anger, it
is the best remedy to win time ; and to make a man's
self believe, that the opportunity of his revenge is not
yet come, but that he foresees a time for it ; and so to
still himself in the mean time, and reserve it.
To contain anger from mischief, though it take hold
of a man, there be two things whereof you must have
special caution. The one, of extreme bitterness of
words, especially if they be aculeate and proper ; for
1 si quis iram suam paullulum regat et injlectat.
2 si quis curiosus sit et perspicax in interpretatione injurice illatce, quatenus
ad circumstantias ejus, ac si contemptum spiraret.
8 opinio contumdice, sive quod existimatio hominisper consequentiam Icedatur
et perstringatur.
^ cui accedit reinedium prcesentaneum.
OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS. 273
communia maledicta are nothing so much ; and again,
that in anger a man reveal no secrets ; for that makes
him not fit for society. The other, that you do not
peremptorily break off, in any business, in a fit of an-
ger ; but howsoever you shew bitterness, do not act
anything that is not revocable.
For raising and appeasing anger in another ; it is
done chiefly by choosing of times, when men are fro-
wardest and worst disposed, to incense them. Again,
by gathering (as was touched before) all that you can
find out to aggravate the contempt. And the two
remedies are by the contraries. The former to take
good times,^ when first to relate to a man an angry
business ; for the first impression is much ; and the
other is, to sever, as much as may be, the construction
of the injury from the point of contempt ; imputing it
to misunderstanding, fear, passion, or what you will.
LVIII. Of Vicissitude of Things.
Salomon saith, There is no new thing upon the earth.
So that as Plato had an imagination. That all knowledge
was hut remembrance ; so Salomon giveth his sentence.
That all novelty is hut oblivion. Whereby you may see
that the river of Lethe runneth as well above ground
as below. There is an abstruse astrologer ^ that saith,
if it were not for two things that are constant^ (the one
is, that the fixed stars ever stand at like distance one
from another, and never come nearer together, nor go
further asunder ; the other, that the diurnal motion
1 tempora serena et ad hilaritatem prona.
2 astrologus quidam abstrusus et parum notus.
VOL. XII. 18
274 OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS.
perpetually keepeih time,') no individual would last one
moment. Certain it is, that the matter is in a perpetual
flux, and never at a stay. The great winding-sheets,
that bury all things in oblivion, are two ; deluges and
earthquakes. As for conflagrations and great droughts,
they do not merely dispeople and destroy.^ Phaeton's
car went but a day.^ And the three years' drought in
the time of Elias was but particular, and left people
alive. As for the great burnings by lightnings, w^hich
are often in the West Indies, they are but narrow .^
But in the other two destructions, by deluge and earth-
quake, it is further to be noted, that the remnant of
people which hap to be reserved, are commonly igno-
rant and mountainous people, that can give no account
of the time past; so that the oblivion is all one* as if
none had been left. If you consider well of the peo-
ple of the West Indies, it is very probable that they
are a newer or a younger people than the people of the
old world. And it is much more likely that the de-
struction that hath heretofore been there, was not by
earthquakes (as the ^Egyptian priest told Solon con-
cerning the island of Atlantis, that it was swallowed hy
an earthquake), but rather that it was desolated by a
particular deluge. For earthquakes are seldom in those
parts. But on the other side, they have such pouring
rivers, as the rivers of Asia and Africk and Europe
are but brooks to them. Their Andes likewise, or
mountains, are far higher than those with us ; whereby
1 nice populum penittis rum absorbent aut destruunt.
2 Fahula Phaetontis brevitatem conjlagrationis, ad unius diei tantum spa-
tium, reprcesentavit.
3 The translation adds : Pestilentias etiam prcetereo quia nee illce totaliter
absorbent.
4 ut oblivio non minus omnia involvat.
OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS. 275
it seems that Lhe remnants of generation of men were
in such a particular deluge saved. ^ As for the obser-
vation that Machiavel hath, that the jealousy of sects
doth much extinguish the memory of things ; traduc-
ing Gregory the Great, that he did what in him lay to
extinguish all heathen antiquities ; I do not find that
those zeals do any great effects, nor last long ; as it
appeared in the succession of Sabinian, who did re-
vive the former antiquities.^
The vicissitude or mutations in the Superior Globe
are no fit matter for this present argument. It may
be, Plato's great year, if the world should last so long,
would have some effect ; not in renewing the state of
like individuals, (for that is the fume of those that con-
ceive the celestial bodies have more accurate influences
upon these things below than indeed they have,) but
in gross.^ Comets, out of question, have likewise
power and effect over the gross and mass of things ;
but they are rather gazed upon, and waited upon in
their journey, than wisely observed in their effects ; *
specially in their respective effects ; that is, what kind
of comet, for magnitude, colour, version of the beams,
placing in the region of heaven,^ or lasting, produceth
what kind of effects.
There is a toy which I have heard, and I would not
have it given over, but waited upon a little. They say
1 unde credibile est reliquias stirpis hominum apud eos post tale diluvium
particular e conservatas fuisse.
2 The translation adds : Turn vero prohiAita, licet tenebris coqperta, obre-
punt tamen et suas nanciscuntur periodos.
3 in summis et massis rerum.
4 Verum homines, ut nunc est, indiligentes, aut curiosi, circa eos sunt : eos-
que potius mirabundi spectant, atque itineraria eorundem conficiunt, quam
effectus eorum prudenter et sobrie notant.
5 The translation adds : tempestatis anni ; semitce aut cursus.
276 OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS.
it is observed in the Low Countries (I know not in
what part) that every five and thirty years the same
kind and suit of years and weathers comes about
again ; ^ as great frosts, great wet, great droughts,
warm winters, summers with httle heat, and the like ;
and they call it the Prime. It is a thing I do the
rather mention, because, computing backwards, I have
found some concurrence.^
But to leave these points of nature, and to come to
men. The greatest vicissitude of things amongst men,
is the vicissitude of sects and religions. For those orbs
rule in men's minds most. The true religion is built
upon the rock; the rest are tossed upon the waves of
time. To speak therefore of the causes of new sects ;
and to give some counsel concerning them, as far as
the weakness of human judgment can give stay to so
great revolutions.
When the religion formerly received is rent by dis-
cords ; and when the holiness of the professors of re-
ligion is decayed and full of scandal ; and withal the
times be stupid, ignorant, and barbarous ; you may
doubt the springing up of a new sect ; if then also
there should arise any extravagant and strange spirit
to make himself author thereof.^ All which points
held when Mahomet published his law. If a new
sect have not two properties, fear it not ; * for it will
not spread. The one is, the supplanting or the oppos-
ing of authority estabhshed ; for nothing is more pop-
1 Similem annorum temperaturam, et tempestatem ccdi^ velut in orbem redire.
2 Congruentiam, hand exactam sane, sed non multum discrepantem.
^prcecipue si eo tempore ingenium qwoddam intemperans et paradoxa ^nr
rans stiboHatur.
4 nova secta licet pullulet, dudbus si destituaiur adminiculis, ab ed non
metuas.
OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS. 277
ular than that. The other is, the giving licence to
pleasures and a voluptuous life. For as for speculative
heresies, (such as were in ancient times the Arians, and
now the Arminians,) though they work mightily upon
men's wits, yet they do not produce any great altera-
tions in states ; except it be by the help of civil oc-
casions.^ There be three manner of plantations of
new sects. By the power of signs and miracles ; by
the eloquence and wisdom of speech and persuasion ;
and by the sword. For martyrdoms, I reckon them
amongst miracles ; because they seem to exceed the
strength of human nature: and I may do the like
of superlative and admirable holiness of life. Surely
there is no better way to stop the rising of new sects
and schisms, than to reform abuses ; to compound the
smaller differences ; to proceed mildly, and not with
sanguinary persecutions ; and rather to take off the
principal authors by winning and advancing them,
than to enrage them by violence and bitterness.
The changes and vicissitude in wars are many ; but
chiefly in three things ; in the seats or stages of the
war ; in the weapons ; and in the manner of the con-
duct. Wars, in ancient time, seemed more to move
from east to west ; for the Persians, Assyrians, Arabi-
ans, Tartars, (which were the invaders,) were all east-
ern people. It is true, the Gauls were western; but
we read but of two incursions of theirs: the one to
Gallo-Graecia, the other to Rome. But East and West
have no certain points of heaven ; ^ and no more have
the wars, either from the east or west, any certainty of
observation. But North and South are fixed ;3 and it
1 ex occasione motuum civilium.
2 cceli, climata non determinant. 8 naturd Jixi.
278
OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS.
hath seldom or never been seen that the far southern
people have invaded the northern, but contrariwise.
Whereby it is manifest that the northern tract of the
world is in nature the more martial region : be it in
respect of the stars of that hemisphere ; or of the
great continents that are upon the north, whereas
the south part, for aught that is known, is almost
all sea ; or (which is most apparent) of the cold of
the northern parts, which is that which, without aid
of discipline, doth make the bodies hardest, and the
courages warmest.^
Upon the breaking and shivering of a great state
and empire, you may be sure to have wars. For great
empires, while they stand, do enervate and destroy the
forces of the natives which they have subdued, resting
upon their own protecting forces ; and then when they
fail also, all goes to ruin, and they become a prey.^
So was it in the decay of the Roman empire ; and
likewise in the empire of Almaigne, after Charles the
Great, every bird taking a feather ; and were not un-
like to befal to Spain, if it should break. The great
accessions and unions of kingdoms do likewise stir up
wars : for when a state grows to an over-power, it is
like a great flood, that will be sure to overflow. As it
hath been seen in the states of Rome, Turkey, Spain,
and others. Look when the world hath fewest barbar-
ous peoples,^ but such as commonly will not marry or
generate, except they know means to live,^ (as it is al-
most every where at this day, except Tartary,) there is
1 The translation adds : ut liquet in popuh Araucensi ; qui ad ulteriora
Austri positi omnibus Peruviensibus fortitudine huge prcecellunt.
2 aliis gentibus in prcBdam cadunt.
8 cum mundus nationibus barharis minus abundat, sed civiliores fere sunt.
4 nisi modum familiam alendi, aut saltern victum parandi, prceviderint.
OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS. 279
no danger of inundations^ of people: but when there
be great shoals of people, which go on to populate,
without foreseeing means of life and sustentatlon, it is
of necessity that once in an age or two they discharge
a portion of their people upon other nations ; ^ which
the ancient northern people were wont to do by lot ;
casting lots what part should stay at home, and what
should seek their fortunes. When a warlike state
grows soft and effeminate, they may be sure of a war.
For commonly such states are grown rich in the time
of their degenerating ; and so the prey inviteth, and
their decay in valour encourageth a war.^
As for the weapons, it hardly falleth under rule and
observation : yet we see even they have returns and
vicissitudes. For certain it is, that ordnance * was
known in the city of the Oxidrakes in India ; and
was that which the Macedonians called thunder and
lightning, and magic. And it is well known that the
use of ordnance ^ hath been in China above two thou-
sand years. The conditions of weapons, and their im-
provement, are, First, the fetching afar off; for that
outruns the danger ; ^ as it is seen in ordnance and
muskets. Secondly, the strength of the percussion ;
wherein likewise ordnance do exceed all arietations
and ancient inventions. The third is, the commodious
use of them ; as that they may serve in all weathers ; •"
1 ah inundationibus aut migrationibus.
^ portionem aUquam muUitudinis siue exonerent, et novas sedes qiujeranf, et
sic alias nationes invadant.
3 animat gentes alias ad eosdem invadendos.
4 tormenta cenea.
6 pulveris pyrii et tormentorum igneorum.
6 periculum ah hostili parte aniicipat.
7 id quod iormentis igneis majoribus etiam compeiit, qttce omnibus tempes-
tatihus
280
OF VICISSITUDE OF XmNGS.
that the carriage may be hght and manageable ; and
the like.
For the conduct of the war : at the first, men rested
extremely upon number : they did put the wars like-
wise upon main force and valour ; pointing days for
pitched fields, and so trying it out upon an even
match : and they were more ignorant in ranging and
arraying their battles. After they grew to rest upon
number rather competent than vast ; they grew to ^
advantages of place, cunning diversions, and the like :
and they grew more skilful in the ordering of their
battles.
In the youth of a state, arms do flourish ; in the mid-
dle age of a state, learning ; and then both of them
together for a time; in the declining age of a state,
mechanical arts and merchandise. Learning hath his
infancy, when it is but beginning and almost childish : ^
then his youth, when it is luxuriant and juvenile : then
his strength of years, when it is solid and reduced i^
and lastly, his old age, when it waxeth dry and ex-
haust.^ But it is not good to look too long upon these
turning wheels of vicissitude, lest we become giddy.
As for the philology of them, that is but a circle of
tales,^ and therefore not fit for this writing.
1 So in original. A word appears to have dropped out, such as seeA;, or
something equivalent. The translation has captabant.
2 quando leviusculce sunt, etpueriles.
3 solidiores et exactiores.
* The translation adds, manenie tamen garrulitate.
6 Quatenus vero ad Pkilologiam, quae in hoc argumento ut plurimum versa-
tur, nihil alivd est quam narratiuncularum et observationum futilium conge-
ries qtusdam.
NOTE. 281
NOTE
In speaking of the original edition, I have referred to a
copy in my own possession ; from which the title is copied.
I have since found that there is a copy in the British Museum
bearing the same date, but not in all respects the same. In
the titlepage, instead of newly enlarged, it has newly written.
It professes to be " printed by John Haviland, for Hanna
Barret," omitting the name of Richard Whittaker, and the
words which follow. In the text, it is difficult even on a
careful examination to detect any differences whatever. But
upon referring to the passages in which I had noticed an
error, or a doubt, or a variety of reading, I find that in three
of them it differs from my copy. In p. 146. it has children
not child: in p. 167. fiower not flowers : in p. 219. game not
gaine. One or two other variations which occur in the later
essays I have noticed in their places. Of these copies, one
must certainly have been a proof in which corrections were
afterwards made. And the fact that all the later editions
have "newly enlarged" in the titlepage, instead of "newly
written," favours the supposition that mine is the corrected
copy. That in some cases (as for instance in pages 167.
and 219.) the reading of the other copy is unquestionably
the right one, may possibly be explained by accidents of
the press. The last letter m flowers may have failed to take
the ink ; the m in game may have been injured, and being
mistaken for an imperfect in may have been replaced by a
perfect in.
APPENDIX TO THE ESSAYS.
I.
A Fragment of an Essay on Fame.^
The poets make Fame a monster. They describe
her in part finely and elegantly ; and in part gravely
and sententiously. They say, look how many feathers
she hath, so many eyes she hath underneath ; so many
tongues ; so many voices ; she pricks up so many ears.
This is a flourish. There follow excellent parables ;
as that she gathereth strength in going : that she goeth
upon the ground, and yet hideth her head in the
clouds : that in the day-time she sitteth in a watch
tower, and flieth most by night: that she mingleth
thino-s done with things not done: and that she is a ter-
ror to great cities. But that which passeth all the rest
is ; they do recount that the Earth, mother of the Gi-
ants that made war against Jupiter and were by him
destroyed, thereupon in an anger brought forth Fame ;
1 This fragment was first published by Dr. Rawley, in the Eesuscitatio
(1657), p. 281. Though unfinished, therefore, it may be regarded as a
genuine and undoubted work of Bacon's, as far as it goes. Two other
Essays, which have been ascribed to Bacon upon very doubtful authority
(and at least one of them in my opinion very improbably), will be printed
by themselves at the end of this Appendix.
284
APPENDIX I.
for certain it is that rebels, figured by the giants, and
seditious fames and libels, are but brothers and sisters ;
masculine and feminine. But now, if a man can tame
this monster, and bring her to feed at the hand, and
govern her, and with her fly other ravening fowl and
kill them, it is somewhat worth. But we are infected
with the stile of the poets. To speak now in a sad
and a serious manner. There is not in all the politics
a place less handled, and more worthy to be handled,
than this of fame. We will therefore speak of these
points. What are false fames ; and what are true
fames ; and how they may be best discerned ; how
fames may be sown and raised; how they may be
spread and multiplied ; and how they may be checked
and laid dead. And other things concerning the na-
ture of fame. Fame is of that force, as there is scarce-
ly any great action wherein it hath not a great part ;
especially in the war. Mucianus undid Vitellius, by a
fame that he scattered, that VitelHus had in purpose to
remove the legions of Syria into Germany, and the
legions of Germany into Syria ; whereupon the legions
of Syria were infinitely inflamed. Julius Caesar took
Pompey unprovided, and laid asleep his industry and
preparations, by a fame that he cunningly gave out,
how Caesar's own soldiers loved him not ; and being
wearied with wars, and laden with the spoils of Gaul,
would forsake him as soon as he came into Italy. Livia
settled all things for the succession of her son Tiberius,
by continual giving out that her husband Augustus was
upon recovery and amendment. And it is an usual
thing with the Bashaws, to conceal the death of the
great Turk from the Janizaries and men of war, to
save the sacking of Constantinople and other towns, as
APPENDIX I. 285
their manner is. Themistocles made Xerxes King of
Persia post apace out of Graecia, by giving out that the
Grecians had a purpose to break his bridge of ships
which he had made athwart Hellespont. There be a
thousand such like examples, and the more they are,
the less they need to be repeated ; because a man meet-
eth with them every where. Therefore let all wise
governors have as great a watch and care over fames,
as they have of the actions and designs themselves.
The rest was not JinisTied.
II.
Early Editions of the Essays.
Bacon's Essays in their earliest shape formed part
of a very small octavo volume, published in 1597, with
the following title : Essayes. Religious Meditations,
Places of perswasion and disswasion. Seene and al-
lowed. At London, Printed for Humfrey Hooper, and
are to he sold at the hlache Beare in Chauncery Lane,
1597.
The Religious meditations and the Places of perswa-
sion and disswasion refer to two other works ; one in
Latin, entitled Meditationes sacrce : the other in Eng-
lish, entitled Of the Coulers of Good and .Evill ; a
fragment. These will be printed elsewhere.
The " Epistle Dedicatory " prefixed to the volume is
dated the 30th of January, 1597 ; which in the case
of an ordinary letter would be understood to mean
1597-8. But I suppose that publishers, who like to
have fresh dates on their titlepages, followed the " his-
torical " year, which was reckoned from the 1st of
January, and not the " civil," which was reckoned
from the 25th of March. For I find in the Lambeth
library, the following rough draft of a letter from
Anthony Bacon to the Earl of Essex, docqueted " le
8">^ de fdvrier, 1596."
288
APPENDIX n.
" My singular good Lord.
" I am bold, and yet out of a most entire and dutiful love
wherein my german brother and myself stand infinitely
bound unto your Lordship, to present unto you the first
sight and taste of such fruit as my brother was constrained
to gather, as he professeth himself, before they were ripe, to
prevent stealing; and withal most humbly to beseech your
Lordship, that as my brother in token of a mutual firm broth-
erly affection hath bestowed by dedication the property of
them upon myself, so your Lordship, to whose disposition!
and commandment I have entirely and inviolably vowed myj
poor self, and whatever appertaineth unto me, either in pos-
session or right, — that your Lordship, I say, in your noble
and singular kindness towards us both, will vouchsafe first to
give me leave to transfer my interest unto your Lordship,
then humbly to crave your honourable acceptance and most
worthy protection. And so I must humbly take my leave.
I shall now give a correct reprint of the Essays, as
they appeared in this first edition ; preserving, by way
of specimen, the original orthography and punctuation.
I take it from the copy in the British Museum ; a copy
which appears by a memorandum on the titlepage to
have been sold on the 7th of February, 39 Eliz. (i. e.
1596-7), for the sum of twenty pence.
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE.
To M. Anthony Bacon
his deare Brother.
LouiNG and beloued Brother, I doe nowe like some
that haue an Orcharde il neighbored, that gather their
fruit before it is ripe, to preuent stealing. These frag-
ments of my conceites were going to print ; To labour
the staie of them had bin troublesome, and subiect to
intei'pretation ; to let them passe had beene to adve-
ture the wrong they mought receiue by vntrue Cop-
pies, or by some garnishment, which it mought please
any that should set them forth to bestow upon them.
Therefore I helde it best discreation to publish them
my selfe as they passed long agoe from my pen, with-
out any further disgrace, then the weaknesse of the
Author. And as I did euer hold, there mought be
as great a vanitie in retiring and withdrawing mens
conceites (except they bee of some nature) from the
world, as in obtruding them : So in these particulars
I haue played my selfe the Inquisitor, and find nothing
to my vnderstanding in them contrarie or infectious to
VOL. XII. 19
290
APPENDIX II.
the state of Religion, or manners, but rather (as I sup-
pose) medicinable. Only I disliked now to put them
out because they will be like the late new halfe-pence,
which though the Siluer were good, yet the peeces
were small. But since they would not stay with their
Master, but would needes trauaile abroade, I haue pre-
ferred them to you that are next myself. Dedicating
them, such as they are, to our loue, in the depth
whereof (I assure you) I sometimes wish your infirm-
ities translated uppon my selfe, that her Maiestie
mought haue the seruice of so actiue and able a mind,
& I mought be with excuse confined to these contem-
plations & studies for which I am fittest, so commende
I you to the preseruation of the diuine Maiestie.
From my Chamber at Graies Inne, this 30. of lanu-
arie. 1597.
Your entire Louing brother.
Fran. Bacon.
ESSAIES
1. Of studie.
2. Of discourse.
3. Of Ceremonies and respects.
4. Of followers and friends.
5. Sutors.
6. Of expence.
7. Of Regiment of health.
8. Of Honour and reputation.
9. Of Faction.
10. Of Negociating.
ESSAIES.
Of Studies.
Studies serue for pastimes, for ornaments and for
abilities. Their cliiefe vse for pastime is in priuatenes
and retiring; for ornamente is in discourse, and for
abilitie is in iudgement. For expert men can execute,
but learned men are fittest to iudge or censure.
^ To spend too much time in them is slouth, to vse
them too much for ornament is affectation : to make
iudgement wholly by their rules, is the humour of a
Scholler. ^ They perfect Nature^ and are perfected
by experience. ^ Craftie men continue ^ them, sim-
ple men admire them, wise men vse them : For they
teach not their owne vse, but that is a wisedome with-
out them : and aboue them wonne by observation.
^ Reade not to contradict, nor to belieue, but to waigh
and consider. ^ Some bookes are to bee tasted, others
to bee swallowed, and some few to bee chewed and
disgested : That is, some bookes are to be read only
in partes ; others to be read, but cursorily, and some
few to be read wholly and with diligence and attention.
1 So in the original : corrected with a pen into contemne in the British
Museum copy.
292 APPENDIX II.
^ Reading maketh a full man, conference a readye
man, and writing an exacte man. And therefore if
a man write little, he had neede haue a great memorie,
if he conferre little, he had neede haue a present wit,
and if he reade little, hee had neede haue much cun-
ning, to seeme to know that he doth not. % Histo-
ries make men wise, Poets wittie : the Mathematickes
subtle, naturall Phylosophie deepe : Morall graue,
Logicke and Rhetoricke able to contend.
Of discourse.
Some in their discourse desire rather commendation
of wit in being able to holde all arguments, then of
iudgement in discerning what is true, as if it were a
praise to know what might be said, and not what
shoulde be thought. Some haue certaine Common
places and Theames wherein they are good, and want
varietie, which kinde of pouertie is for the most part
tedious, and no we and then ridiculous. ^ The hon-
ourablest part of talke is to guide the occasion, and
againe to moderate and passe to somewhat else. ^ It
is good to varie and mixe speech of the present occ
sion with argument, tales with reasons, asking of ques-
tions, with telling of opinions, and iest with earnest.
^ But some thinges are priuiledged from iest, namelj
Religion, matters of state, great persons, any mans
present businesse of importance, and any case that
deserueth pittie. ^ He that questioneth much shall
learn much, and content much, specially if hee applie
his questions to the skill of the person of whome he
asketh, for he shal giue them occasion to please them-
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 293
selues in speaking, and himselfe shall continually gath-
er knowledge. ^ If you dissemble sometimes your
knowledge of that you are thought to knowe, you
shall bee thought another time to know that you know
not. ^ Speech of a mans selfe is not good often, and
there is but one case, wherin a man may commend
himselfe with good grace, and that is in commending
vertue in another, especially if it be such a vertue,
as whereunto himselfe pretendeth. ^ Discretion of
speech is more then eloquence, and to speake agreably
to him, wdth whome we deale is more the to speake in
good wordes or in good order. ^ A good continued
speech without a good speech of interlocution sheweth
slownesse : and a good reply or second speech without
a good set speech sheweth shallownesse and weaknes,
as wee see in beastes that those that are weakest in the
course are yet nimblest in the turne. ^ To vse too
many circumstances ere one come to the matter is
wearisome, to use none at all is blunt.
Of Ceremonies and Respectes.
He that is onely reall had need haue exceeding great
parts of vertue, as the stone had neede be rich that is
set without foyle. ^ But commonly it is in praise as
it is in gaine. For as the prouerbe is true. That light
gaines make heauie Purses : Because they come thicke,
wheras great come but now and then, so it is as true
that smal matters winne great commendation : because
they are continually in vse and in note, whereas the
occasion of any great vertue commeth but on holy-
daies. H To attaine good formes, it sufficeth not to
294 APPENDIX II.
despise them, for so shal a man observe them in others,
and let him trust himselfe with the rest : for if he care
to expresse them hee shall leese their grace, which is to
be natm'all and vnafFected. Some mens behauiour is
like a verse wherein euery sillable is measured. How
can a man comprehend great matters that breaketh his
minde too much to small obseruations ? ^ Not to vse
Ceremonies at all, is to teach others not to vse them
againe, and so diminish his respect ; especially they be
not to bee omitted to straungers and strange natures.
^ Among a mans Peires a man shall be sure of famil-
iaritie, and therefore it is a good title ^ to keepe state ;
amongst a mans inferiours one shall be sure of reuer-
ence, and therefore it is good a little to be familiar.
^ Hee that is too much in any thing, so that he give
another occasion of satietie, maketh himselfe cheape.
^ To applie ones selfe to others is good, so it be with
demonstration that a man doth it upon regard, and not
vpon facilitie. ^ It is a good precept generally in
seconding another : yet to adde somewhat of ones
owne ; as if you will graunt his opinion, let it be with
some distinction, if you wil follow his motion, let it be
with condition ; if you allow his counsell, let it be with
alleadging further reason.
Of followers and friends.
Costly followers are not to be liked, least while a
man maketh his traine longer, hee make his wings
shorter, I reckon to be costly not them alone which
charge the purse, but which are wearysome and impor-
1 So in the original: a mistake for " it is good a little."
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 295
tune in sutes. Ordinary following ought to challenge
no higher conditions then countenance, recommenda-
tion and protection from wrong.
^ Factious followers are worse to be liked, which
follow not vpon affection to him with whome they
raunge themselues, but vpon discontentment conceiued
against some other, wherevpon commonly insueth that
ill intelligence that wee many times see between great
personages. ^ The following by certaine States an-
swereable to that which a great person himselfe pro-
fesseth, as of Souldiers to him that hath beene imployed
in the warres, and the like hath euer beene a thing
ciuile, and well taken euen in Monarchies, so it bee
without too much pompe or popularitie. ^ But the
most honorable kind of following is to bee followed, as
one that apprehendeth to aduance vertue and desert in
all sortes of persons, and yet where there is no eminent
oddes in sufficiencie, it is better to take with the more
passable, then with the more able. In gouernment it
is good to vse men of one rancke equally, for, to coun-
tenance some extraordinarily, is to make them inso-
lente, and the rest discontent, because they may claime
a due. But in fauours to vse men with much differ-
ence and election is good, for it maketh the persons
preferred more thankefuU, and the rest more officious,
because all is of fauour. ^ It is good not to make too
much of any man at first, because one cannot holde
out that proportion. ^ To be gouerned by one is not
good, and to be distracted with many is worse ; but to
take aduise of friends is ever honorable : For lookers on
many times see more then gamesters^ And the vale best
discouereth the hill. ^ There is little friendship in the
worlde, and least of all betweene equals ; which was
296 APPENDIX II.
wont to bee magnified. That that is, is betweene su-
periour and inferiour, whose fortunes may comprehend
the one the other.
Or SuTES.
Manie ill matters are vndertaken, and many good
matters with ill mindes. Some embrace Sutes which
neuer meane to deale effectually in them. But if they
see there may be life in the matter by some other
meane, they will be content to winne a thanke or take
a second reward. Some take holde of Sutes onely for
an occasion to crosse some other, or to make an infor-
mation wherof they could not otherwise have an apt
precept,^ without care what become of the Sute, when
that turne is serued. Nay some vndertake Sutes with
a full purpose to let them fall, to the ende to gratifie
the adverse partie or competitor. ^ Surely there is in
sorte a right in euerie Sute, either a right of equitie, if
it be a Sute of controuersie ; or a right of desert, if it
bee a Sute of petition. If affection leade a man to
fauor the wrong side in iustice, let him rather vse his
countenance to compound the matter then to carrie it.
If affection lead a man to fauour the lesse worthy in
desert, let him doe it, without deprauing or disabling
the better deseruer. ^ In Sutes a man doth not wel
vnderstand, it is good to referre them to some friend of
trust and iudgement, that may reporte whether he may
deale in them with honor. ^ Suters are so distasted
with delaies and abuses, that plaine dealing in denying
to deale in Sutes at first, and reporting the successe
1 So in the original: a mistake, no doubt, ior pretext.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 297
barely, and in challendging no more thankes then one
hath deserued, is growen not only honourable but also
gracious. ^ In Sutes of fauor the first comming ought
to take little place, so far forth consideration may bee
had of his trust, that if intelligence of the matter
coulde not otherwise haue beene had but by him, ad-
uantage be not taken of the note. ^ To be ignorant
of the value of a Sute is simplicitie, as wel as to be
ignorant of the right thereof is want of conscience.
^ Secrecie in Sutes is a great meane of obtaining, for
voicing them to bee in forwardnes may discourage
some kinde of suters, but doth quicken and awake
others. ^ But tyming of the Sutes is the principall,
tyming I saye not onely in respect of the person that
shoulde graunt it, but in respect of those which are like
to crosse it. ^ Nothing is thought so easie a request
to a great person as his letter, and yet if it bee not in
a good cause, it is so much out of his reputation.
Of Expence.
Riches are for spending, and spending for honour
and good actions. Therefore extraordlnarie Expence
must bee limited by the worth of the ocasion ; for vol-
untarie vndoing may bee as well for a mans countrie as
for the kingdome of heauen. But ordinarie expence
ought to bee limited by a mans estate, and gouerned
with such regard, as it be within his compasse, and not
subiect to deceite and abuse of seruants, and ordered to
the best shew, that the Bils maye be lesse then the esti-
mation abroad. ^ It is no basenes for the greatest to
descend and looke into their owne estate. Some for-
298 APPENDIX II.
beare it not vpon negligence alone, but doubting to
bring themselues into Melancholy in respect they shall
finde it broken. But woundes cannot bee cured without
searching. ^ He that cannot looke into his owne
estate, had neede both choose well those whom he im-
ployeth, yea and change them after. ^ For new are
more timerous and lesse subtle. ^ In clearing of a
mans estate hee may as well hurt himselfe in being too
suddaine, as in letting it runne on too long, for hastie
selling is commonly as disaduantageable as interest.
^ He that hath a state to repaire may not despise
small things ; and commonly it is lesse dishonourable
to abridge pettie charges then to stoupe to pettie get-
tings. ^ A man ought warily to begin charges, which
once begunne must continue. But in matters that
returne not, he may be more magnificent.
Of Regiment of Health.
There is a wisdome in this beyond the rules of
Phisicke. A mans owne obseruation what hee finds
good of, and what he findes hurt of, is the best Phys-
icke to preserve health. But it is a safer conclusion
to say, This agreeth well with me, therefore I will con-
tinue it,2 then this I finde no ofience, of this therefore
I may vse it. For strength of nature in youth passeth
ouer many excesses, which are owing a man till his
age. ^ Disceme of the comming on of yeares, and
thinke not to doe the same things still. ^ Beware of
any suddain change in any great point of diet, and if
1 So in the original : a mistake for often.
2 So in the original : it should be not well, and rwt continue.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 299
necessitie inforce it, fit the rest to it. ^ To be free
minded and chearefully disposed at howers of meate,
and of sleepe, and of exercise, is the best precept of
long lasting. ^ If you flie Physicke in health alto-
gether, it will be too strange to your body when you
shall need it, if you make it too famiHar, it will
worke no extraordinarie effect when sicknesse com-
meth. ^ Despise no new accident in the body, but
aske opinion of it. ^ In sicknesse respect health prin-
cipally, and in health action. For those that put their
bodies to indure in health, may in most sickenesses
which are not very sharpe, be cured onelye with diet
and tendring.
^ Physitians are some of them so pleasing and con-
formable to the humours of the patient, as they presse
not the true cure of the disease ; and some other are
so regular in proceeding according to Arte for the dis-
ease, as they respect not sufficiently the condition of
the patient. Take one of a middle temper, or if it
may not bee found in one man, compound two of both
sorts, and forget not to cal as wel the best aquainted
with your body, as the best reputed of for his facultie.
Of Honour and reputation.
The winning of Honour is but the reuealing of a
mans vertue and worth without disadvantage, for some
in their actions doe affect Honour and reputation,
which sort of men are commonly much talked of, but
inwardly little admired : and some darken their vertue
in the shew of it, so as they be vnder-valewed in opin-
ion. ^ If a man performe that which hath not beene
300 APPENDIX II.
attempted before, or attempted and giuen ouer, or hath
been atchieued, but not with so good circumstance, he
shall purchase more Honour, then by effecting a matter
of greater difficulty or vertue, wherein he is but a fol-
lower. ^ If a man so temper his actions as in some
one of them hee doe content euerie faction or combina-
tion of people, the Musicke will be the fuller. ^ A
man is an ill husband of his Honour that entereth
into any action, the failing wherein may disgrace him
more then the carrying of it through can Honour
him. ^ Discreete followers helpe much to reputation.
^ Enuie which is the canker of Honour, is best extin-
guished by declaring a mans selfe in his ends, rather to
seeke merite then fame, and by attributing a mans suc-
cesses rather to diuine prouidence and felicitie then to
his vertue or pollicie.
^ The true Marshalling of the degrees of Souer-
aigne honour are these. In the first place are Con-
ditores, founders of states. In the second place are
Legislatores Law-giuers, which are also called second
founders, or Perpetui principes, because they goueme
by their ordinances after they are gone. In the third
place are lAberatores, such as compound the long mis-
eries of ciuill warres, or deliver their countries from
servitude of strangers or tyrants. In the fourth place
are Propagatores or Propugnatores imperii^ such as in
honourable warres enlarge their territories, or make
noble defence against Inuaders. And in the last place
are Patres patrice, which raigne justly and make the
times good wherein they Hue. Degrees of honour in
subiects are first Participes curarum, those upon whome
Princes doe discharge the greatest waight of their
affaires, their Might handes (as we call them.) The
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 301
next are Duces belli, great leaders, such as are Princes,
Lieutenants, and do them notable services in the wars.
The third are G-ratiosi, fauorites, such as exceede not
this scantling to bee sollace to the Soueraigne, and
harmelesse to the people. And the fourth Negotiis
pares, such as have great place vnder Princes, and
execute their places with sufficiencie.
Of Faction.
Manie have a newe wisedome, indeed, a fond opin-
ion ; That for a Prince to gouerne his estate, or for a
great person to governe his proceedings according to
the respects of Factions, is the principal part of pol-
licie. Whereas contrariwise, the chiefest wisedome is
either in ordering those things which are generall, and
wherein men of severall Factions doe neuerthelesse
agree, or in dealing with correspondence to particular
persons one by one. But I say not that the considera-
tion of Factions is to be neglected.
^ Meane men must adheare, but great men that
haue strength in themselues were better to maintaine
themselues indifferent and neutrall ; yet euen in begin-
ners to adheare so moderatly, as he be a man of the
one Faction, which is passablest with the other, com-
monly giveth best way. ^ The lower and weaker
Faction is the firmer in conjunction. % When one of
the Factions is extinguished, the remaining subdiuideth
which is good for a second Faction. It is commonly
scene that men once placed, take in with the contrarie
faction to that by which they enter. ^ The traitor in
Factions lightly goeth away with it, for when mat-
302
APPENDIX n.
ters have stucke long in ballancing, the winning of
some one man casteth them, and hee getteth al the
thankes.
Of Negociating.
It is generally better to deale by speech then by let-
ter, and by the mediation of a thirde then by a mans,
selfe. Letters are good when a man woulde drawe ai
answere by letter backe againe, or when it may serue]
for a mans iustification afterwards to produce his owne
letter. To deale in person is good when a mans face
breedes regard, as commonly with inferiours. ^ In
choyce of instruments it is better to choose men of a
plainer sorte that are like to doe that that is committed
to them ; and to reporte backe againe faithfully the
successe, then those that are cunning to contriue out.
of other mens businesse somewhat to grace themseluesJ
and will helpe the matter in reporte for satisfactioi
sake.
^ It is better to sound a person with whome one
deales a farre off, then to fal vppon the pointe at first,
except you meane to surprise him by some shorte ques-
tion. ^ It is better deahng with men in appetite then
those which are where they would be. ^ If a man
deale with another vppon conditions, the starte or first
performance is all, which a man can not reasonably de-
maunde, except either the nature of the thing be such
which must goe before, or else a man can perswade the
other partie that he shall still neede him in some other
thing, or else that he bee counted the honester man.
^ All practise is to discouer or to worke : men dis-
couer themselues in trust, in passion, at vnwares and
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 303
of necessitie, when they would haue somewhat donne,
and cannot finde an apt precept. ^ If you would worke
any man, you must either know his nature and fashions
and so leade him, or his ends, and so winne him, or his
weaknesses or disaduantages, and so awe him, or those
that haue interest in him and so gouerne him. ^ In
dealing with cunning persons we must euer consider
their endes to interpret their speeches, and it is good
to say little to them, and that which they least looke
for.
1 So in the original : the second time the same mistake occurs. It should,
of course, hQ pretext.
Edition of 1612.
It is a fact very creditable to the reading public of
those days, that a volume which offers no entertain-
ment except solid observation, packed as close as pos-
sible and stripped of all ornament, was thrice reprinted
within nine years after its first appearance, viz. in 1598,
in 1604, and in 1606. It is doubtful however whether
Bacon himself had anything to do with any of these
editions ; which are said to have been merely reprints,
without addition or alteration, except some changes in
the spelling, and the substitution of an English transla-
tion of the Meditationes sacroe for the original Latin.
The earliest evidence of additions and alterations
which I have met with, is contained in a volume pre-
served among the Harleian MSS. in the British Mu-
seum, No. 5106. ; a volume undoubtedly authentic ;
for it contains interlineations in Bacon's own hand ;
and transcribed some time between 1607, when Bacon
became Solicitor-general, and 1612, when he brought
out a new edition of the Essays with further additions
and alterations. It is unluckily not quite perfect ; one
leaf at least, if not more, having been lost at the begin-
ning ; though otherwise in excellent preservation.
The titlepage, which remains, bears the following
inscription, very handsomely written in the old English
character, with flourished capitals : The writings of Sr
VOL. XII. 20
306
APPENDIX II.
Francis Bacon Knt. the Kinge's SolUcitor Crenerall : in
Moralitie, Polieie, and Historie.
It contains nothing but Essays ; which stand in the
following order : —
1.
2.
Of Friendship (the begin-
ning wanting).
Of Wisdom for a Man's
17.
18.
19.
Of Despatch.
Of Deformity.
Of Young Men and Age.
Self.
20.
Of Faction.
3.
Of Nobility.
21.
Of Honour and Reputa-
4.
Of Goodness and Goodness
tion.
of Nature.
22.
Of Marriage and Single
5.
6.
Of Beauty.
Of Seeming Wise.
23.
Life.
Of Parents and Children.
7.
Of Regiment of Health.
24.
Of Great Place.
8.
9.
Of Expences.
Of Ambition.
25.
26.
Of Empire.
Of Counsel.
10.
Of Ceremonies and Re-
27.
Of Atheism.
11.
spects.
Of Studies.
28.
29.
Of Superstition.
Of Praise.
12.
Of Discourse.
30.
Of Nature in Men.
13.
Of Riches.
31.
Of Custom and Education.
14.
Of Followers and Friends.
32.
Of Fortune.
15.
Of Suitors.
33.
Of Death.
16.
Of Negociating.
34.
Of Seditions and Troubles.
Of these, two only are not to be found in the edition
of 1612 ; viz. the twenty-first (which is included in
the edition both of 1597 and 1625) and the thirty-
fourth, which was not published till 1625, though an
Italian translation of it had been given in Sir Tobie
Matthew's Saggi Morally in 1618. As this stands last
in the volume, and the rest of the leaves are left blank,
it is impossible to say whether it was transcribed at the
same time with the rest, or added at a later period.
But I cannot detect any difference in the hand-writing,
the colour of the ink, or the general appearance of it.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 307
This last I have added at the end. The others I have
compared with the copies in the edition of 1612 ; and
although I have not thought it worth while to make an
exact and perfect collation, I have marked all the more
considerable variations between the two ; so that by
means of the table of contents which I have just given,
and the foot-notes which follow, a full and particular
account of the contents of the manuscript volume may
be obtained.
The reprint of the edition of 1612, which I now
subjoin, preserving (except in the case of mere mis-
prints) the original orthography and punctuation, has
been compared with two copies in my own possession,
both of which have been corrected here and there with
a pen, apparently by the same hand. The corrections
being the same in both and made in the same way,
I presume that they were inserted by Bacon's own
direction; see note 1, p. 359.
THE
ESSAIES
OP
SIE FKANCIS BACON Knight
THE KINGS SOLLICITER GENERALL.
Imprinted at London by Iohn Beale,
1612.
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE.
To my Loving Brother, Sir Iohn Constable Knight.
My last Essaies I dedicated to my deare brother Master
Anthony Bacon, who is with Grod. Looking amongst
my papers this vacation^ I found others of the same iVo-
ture : which if I my selfe shall not suffer to he lost^ it
seemeth the World will not ; hy the often printing of the
former. Missing my Brother^ I found you next ; in
respect of bond both of neare alliance^ and of straight
friendship and societie, and particularly of communica-
tion in studies. Wherein I must acknowledge my selfe
behx>lding to you. For as my businesse found rest in my
contemplations ; so my contemplations euer found rest in
your louing conference and iudgement. So wishing you
all good, Iremaine
Your louing brother and friend,
Fra. Bacon.
THE TABLE.
1.
Of Religion.
20.
Of Seeming wise.
2.
Of Death.
21.
Of Riches.
3.
Of Goodnes and goodnes of
22.
Of Ambition.
nature.
23.
Of Young men and age.
4.
Of Cunning.
24.
Of Beautie.
5.
Of Marriage and single life.
25.
Of Deformitie.
6.
Of Parents and Children.
26.
Of nature in Men.
7.
Of Nobilitie.
27.
Of Custome and Education.
8.
Of Great place.
28.
Of Fortune.
9.
Of Empire.
29.
Of Studies.
10.
Of Counsell.
30.
Of Ceremonies and respects.
11.
Of Dispatch.
31.
Of Sutors.
12.
Of Loue.
32.
Of Followers.
13.
Of Friendshippe.
33.
Of Negociating.
14.
Of Atheisme.
34.
Of Faction.
15.
Of Superstition.
35.
Of Praise.
16.
Of Wisdome for a Mans
36.
Of Judicature.
selfe.
37.
Of vaine glory.
17.
Of Regiment of Health.
38.
Of greatnes of Kingdomes.
18.
Of Expences.
89.
Of the publike.
19.
Of Discourse.
40.
Of Warre and peace.
ESSAIES.
1. Of Religion.
The quarrels, and diuisions for Religion^ were euils
vnknowne to the Heathen : and no maruell ; for it is
the true God that is the iealous God ; and the gods of
the Heathen were good fellowes. But yet the bonds of
religious vnity, are so to be strengthened, as the bonds
of humane society be not dissolued. Lucretius the
Poet, when hee beheld the act of Agamemnon^ in dur-
ing and assisting at the sacrifice of his daughter, con-
cludes with this verse ;
Tantu relligio potuit suadere malorum.
But what would hee haue done, if he had knowne the
massacre of France, or the powder treason of England?
Certainly he would haue beene seuen times more Epi-
cure and Atheist then he was. Nay, hee would rather
haue chosen to be one of the Madmen of Munster, then
to haue beene a partaker of those Counsels. For it is
better that Religion should deface mens vnderstanding,
then their piety and charitie ; retaining reason onely
but as an Engine, and Charriot driuer of cruelty, and
malice. It was a great blasphemie, when the Diuell
316
APPENDIX II.
said ; I will ascend^ and he like the highest : but it is a
greater blasphemie, if they make God to say ; I will
descend^ and he like the Prince of Darknesse : and it
is no better, when they make the cause of Religion
descend, to the execrable accions of murthering of
Princes, butchery of people, and firing of States. Nei-
ther is there such a sinne against the person of the holy
Ghost, (if one should take it literally) as in stead of
the likenes of a Doue^ to bring him downe in the like-
nesse of a Vulture, or Rauen ; nor such a scandall to
their Church, as out of the Barke of Saint Peter, to
set forth the flagge of a Barke of Pirats and Assassins,
Therefore since these things are the common enemies
of humane society ; Princes by their power ; Ohurchea
by their Decrees ; and all learning. Christian, morall,
of what soeuer sect, or opinion, by their Mercuric rod ;
ought to ioyne in the damning to Hell for euer, these
facts, and their supports : and in all Counsels concern-
ing Religion, that Counsell of the Apostle, would be
prefixed, Ira hominis non implet iustitiam Dei.
2. Of Death.
Men feare death, as Children feare to goe in the
darke: and as that naturall feare in Children is en-
creased with tales ; so is the other. Certainely the
feare of death in contemplation of the cause of it, and
the issue of it, is religious : but the feare of it, for it
selfe, is weake. Yet in religious meditations there is
mixture of vanitie, and of superstition. You shall
reade in some of the Friers Bookes of Mortification,
that a man should thinke with himselfe, what the paine
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 317
is, if he haue but his fingers end pressed, or tortured ;
and thereby imagine what the paines of Death are,
when the whole body is corrupted and dissolued : when
many times, Death passeth with lesse paine, then the
torture of a limme. For the most vitall parts are not
the quickest of sence. And to speake as a Philosopher
or naturall man, it was well said, Pompa mortis magis
terret, qudm mors ipsa. Grones, and Conuulsions, and
a discoloured face, and friends weeping, and Blackes
and obsequies, and the like, shew death terrible. It is
worthie the obseruing, that there is no passion in the
minde of man so weake, but masters the feare of death ;
and therefore death is no such enemy, when a man
hath so many followers about him, that can winne the
combat of him. Reuenge triumphes ouer death, Loue
esteems it not. Honour aspireth to it, deliuery from
Ignominy chuseth it, Griefe flieth to it, Feare preoc-
upateth it: nay we see after Otho had slain himselfe,
pitty (which is the tendrest of affections) prouoked
many to die. Seneca speaketh of nicenesse : Cogita
qudm diu eadem feceris ; Mori velle non tantum fortis^
aut miser, sed etiam fastidiosus potest. It is no lesse
worthy to obserue how little alteration in good spirits
the approaches of death make : but they are the same
till the last. Augustus Ccesar died in a complement,
Tiberius in dissimulation, Vespasian in a iest, Galba
with a sentence, Septimus Seuerus in dispatch ; ^ and
the like. Certainely the Stoihes bestowed too much
cost vpon death, and by their great preparations made
it appeare more fearefiill. Better saith he. Qui finem
vitce extremum inter munera ponat naturce. It is as
naturall to die, as to bee borne ; and to a little Infant
perhaps, the one as painefull, as the other.
1 The last clause is omitted in the MS.
318
APPENDIX n.
3. Of Goodnesse, and goodnes of Nature.
I take goodnesse in this sence, the affecting of the
Weale of men, which is, that the Crrcecians call PM-
lanthropia ; for the word humanitie (as it is vsed) it is
a little too light, to expresse it. Cfoodnesse I call the
habite ; and goodnesse of Nature^ the inclination. This
of all vertues, is the greatest : being the character of
the Deitie ; and without it, man is a busie, mischeuous,
wretched thing : no better then a kind of vermine.
Goodnesse answers to the Theologicall vertue Charity^
and admits not excesse, but error. The Italians^ haue
an vngracious prouerbe, Tanto huon^ che vol niente; So
good^ that he is good for nothing. And one of the Doc-
tors of Italie, Nicholas Machiauel had the confidence to
put in writing, almost in plaine termes ; That the Chris-
tian faith had giuen vp good men in prey^ to those that
are tyrannicall and vniust ; which hee spake, because
indeed there was neuer law, or sect, or opinion, did so
much magnifie goodnes, as the Christian religion doth.
Therefore to auoid the scandall, and the danger both ;
it is good to take knowledge of the errors of an habite
so excellent. Seek the good of other men, but be not
in bodage to their faces or fancies : for that is but
facility, and softnesse ; which taketh an honest minde
prisoner. Neither giue thou j^sops Cocke a gem^ who
would be better pleased and happier, if he had had a
Barly corn. The example of God teacheth the lesso
truly. He sendeth his raine, and maketh his sunne
to shine vpon the iust, and vniust; but hee doth not
raine wealth, nor shine honour ^ and vertues vpon men
equally. Common benefits are to bee communicate
1 honors in MS.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 319
with all, but peculiar benefits with choise. And be-
ware how in making the portraiture, thou breakest the
patterne. For Diuinitie maketh the loue of our selues
the patterne, the loue of our neighbours but the Por-
traiture. Sell all thou hast and giue it to the poore, and
follow me ; but sell not all thou hast, except thou come
and follow me ; that is, except thou haue a vocation,
wherein thou maiest doe as much good with little
meanes, as with great : For otherwise in feeding the
stremes, thou driest the fountaine. Neither is there
onely a habite of goodnesse, directed by right reason :
but there is in some men, euen in nature^ a disposition
towards it : as on the other side, there is a naturall
malignity. For there bee that in their nature doe not
affect the good of others : the lighter sort of malignitie,
tumeth but to a crossenesse, or frowardnesse, or apt-
nesse to oppose, or difficilnesse, or the like : but the
deeper sort, to enuie and meere mischief. There be
many Misanthropic^ that make it their practise to bring
men to the bough, and yet haue neuer a tree for the
purpose in their gardens, as Timon had.^ Such dis-
positions are the very errors of huma7i nature : and yet
they are the fittest timber to make great Politiques of;
like to knee-timber that is good for shippes that are or-
dained to be tossed, but not for building houses that
shall stand firme.
4. Of Cunning.
Wee take Cunning for a sinister or crooked Wis-
donie : and certainely there is a great difference be-
1 The MS. omits the words " Misanthrcfpi,'' and "as Timon had."
APPENDIX II.
tweene a cunning man, and a wise man : not onely il
point of honesty, but in point of ability. There be that
can pack the cards and yet cannot play well. So thei
are some, that are good in canuasses and factions, thai
are otherwise weake men. Againe, it is one thing
vnderstand persons, and another thing to vnderstahd^
matters : for many are perfect in mens humors, that
are not greatly capable of the reall part of businesse ;
which is the constitution of one, that hath studied men
more then bookes. Such men are fitter for practise,
then for counsell, and they are good but in their owne
Alley ; turne them to new men, and they haue lost
their aime. So as the old rule to know a foole from
a wise man ; Mitte amhos nudos ad ignotos ^ videhis ;
doth scarse hold for them. Euen in businesse there
are some that know the resorts and fals of busines, that
cannot sinke into the maine of it ; like a house that
hath conuenient staires and entries, but neuer a faire
roome. Therefore you shall see them finde out pretty
looses in the conclusion, but are no waies able to exam-
ine or debate matters : and yet commonly they take
aduantage of their inability, & would be thought wits
of direction. Some build rather vpon abusing others,
and as wee now say, putting trickes vpon them, then
vpon soundnesse of their owne proceedings. But Salo-
mon saith, Prudens aduertit ad gressus suos : stultus
diuertit ad dolos. Very many are the differences be-
tweene cunning and wisdome : and it were a good deed
to set them downe : for that nothing doth more hurte
in state then that cunning men passe for wise.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS 321
5. Of Marriage and single life.
Hee that hath wife and children, hath giuen hos-
tages to fortune. For they are impediments to great
enterprises, either of vertue or mischief. Certainly the
best works, and of greatest merit for the publike haue
proceeded from the vnmarried, or childlesse men ;
which haue sought eternity in memory, and not in
posterity; and which both in affection and means, haue
married and endowed the publike. Yet some there
are, that lead a single life whose thoughts doe ende
with themselues, and doe accoimt future times, imper-
tinences. Nay there are some others, that esteeme
wife & children, but as bils of charges. But the most
ordinarie cause of a single life, is liberty ; specially in
certain self-pleasing & humorous minds, which are
so sensible of euery restriction, as they wil go neere
to thinke their girdles and garters to be bonds and
shakles. Vnmarried men are best friends ; best mas-
ters ; best seruants ; not alwaies best subiects ; for they
are light to run away ; and almost all fugitiues are of
that conditio. A single life is proper for Churchmen.
For charity wil hardly water the ground, where it must
first fill a poole. It is indifferent for ludges and Mag-
istrates. For if they be facile & corrupt, you shall
haue a seruant fine times worse the a wife. For Soul-
diers, I find the Generals commonly in their hortatiues,
put men in minde of their wiues, and children : and I
thinke the despising of marriage, amongst the Turkes,
maketh the vulgar Souldier more base. Certainely,
wife and children are a kinde of discipline of human-
ity : and single men are more cruell and hard-hearted :
good to make seuere inquisitors. Graue natures led by
VOL. XII. 21
322 APPENDIX II.
custome, and therefore constant, are commonly louing
husbands : as was said of Ulisses ; Vetulam proetulit
immortalitati. Chaste women are often proud and
froward, as presuming vpon the merit of their chastity.
It is one of the best bonds both of chastity & obedi-
ence in the wife ; if shee thinke her husband wise ;
which shee will neuer doe, if shee finde him ielous.
Wiues are young mens mistresses ; companions for
middle age ; and old mens nurses. So as a man may
haue a quarrel to marry when hee will ; but yet hee
was reputed one of the wise men, that made answere
to the question ; Wlien a man should marrie f A young
man not yet, an elder man not at all.
6. Of Parents and Children.
The ioyes of Parents are secret, and so are their
griefs and feares : they cannot vtter the one, nor they
will not vtter the other. Children sweeten labors, but
they make misfortunes more bitter : they increase the
cares of life, but they mitigate the remembrance of
death. The perpetuitie by generation, is common to
beasts ; but memorie, merit, & noble works are proper
to men. They that are the first raisers of their house,
are most indulget towards their children ; beholding
them, as the continuance, not only of their kind, but
of their worke ; and so both children and creatures.
The difference of affection in parents towards their seu-
erall children, is many times vnequall ; and sometimes
vnworthy ; specially in the mother ; as Salomon saith ;
A wise Sonne reioiceth the Father^ hut an vngracious
son shames the mother, A man shall see where there is
I
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 323
a house full of children, one, or two of the eldest re-
spected, and the youngest made wantons ; but in the
middle, some that are as it were forgotten ; who neuer-
thelesse prooue the best. The illiberality of Parents in
allowance towards their children is an harmefull error :
makes them base ; acquaints the with shifts, makes
them sort with meane companie ; and makes them
surfet more, when they come to plenty. And there-
fore the proofe is best, when men keepe their authority
towards their children, but not their purse. Men haue
a foolish manner, both Parents, Schoolemasters, and
seruants, in creating and breeding an emulation be-
tweene brothers during childhood, which many times
sorteth to discord when they are men, and disturbeth
families. The Italians make little difference betweene
children and nephewes, or neere kinsfolke : But so they
be of the lumpe, they care not, though they passe not
through their owne body : and to say truth, in nature
it is much a like matter, in so much that wee see a
nephewe sometimes resembleth an vncle, or a kinsman,
more than his owne Parent, as the blood happens.
7. Of Nobility.
It is a reuerend thing to see an ancient castle or
building not in decay ; or to see a faire timber tree
sound & perfect : how much more to behold an ancient
Noble familie, which hath stood against the wanes and
weathers of time. For new Nobility is but the act of
power ; but ancient Nobility is the act of time. The
first raisers of Fortunes are commonly more vertuous,
but lesse innocent, then their descendents. For there
324 APPENDIX II.
is rarely rising, but by a commixture of good and euil
Arts. But it is reason the memorie of their vertues
remain to their posterities, and their faults die with
themselues. Nbbilitie of Birth commonly abateth in-
dustrie : and hee that is not industrious, enuieth him
that is : Besides noble persons, cannot goe much high-
er : And he that standeth at a stay when others rise,
can hardly auoid motions of enuie. On the other
side Nobility extinguisheth the passiue enuie in others
towards them ; because they are in possession of Hovr
our : and JEnu^ is as the sunne beames, that beate more
vpon a rising ground, then vpon a leuell. A great
Nohilitie addeth maiesty to a Monarchy but diminisheth
power : and putteth life and spirit into the people ; but
presseth their fortunes. It is well when nobles are
not too great for Soueraigntie^ nor for lustice; and yet
maintained in that height, as the insollency of inferiours
may be broken vpon them, before it come on too fast
vpon the maiestie of Kings. Certain ely Kings that
haue able men of their Nobility, shal find ease in im-
ploying them ; and a better slide in their businesse :
For people naturally bend to them, as borne in some
sort to command.
8. Of great Place.
Men in great place, are thrice seruats ; seruants
of the Soueraigne, or state ; seruants of fame, and
seruants of businesse. So as they haue no freedome,
neither in their persons, nor in their actions, nor in
their times. It is a strange desire to seeke power, and
to lose liberty : or to seeke power ouer others, and to
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 325
lose power ouer a mans selfe. The rising vnto place is
laborious, and by paines men come to greater paines :
and it is sometimes base, and by indignities men come
to dignities : the standing is slippery ; and the regresse
is either a downefall, or at least an Ecclipse ; which is
a melancholy thing. Nay, retire, men cannot when
they would, neither will they when it were reason ; but
are impatient of priuatenesse, euen in age and sicknesse,
which require the shadow. Certainely, great persons
had need to borrow other mens opinions, to think them-
selues happy : for if they iudge by their owne feeling,
they cannot find it ; but they if thinke with themselues,
what other men thinke of them, and that other men
would fain be as they are, then they are happy as it
were by report, when perhappes they finde the con-
trarie within; for they are the first that finde their
owne griefes, though they bee the last that finde their
own faults. Certainely men in great fortunes are
strangers to themselues, and while they are in the pus-
sle of busines they haue no time to tend their health,
either of body or mind. Illi mors grams ineuhat, qui
notus nimis omnibus, ignotus moritur sibi. In place
there is licence to do good and euil : wherof the lat>
ter is a curse : for in euill the best condition is, not
to wil ; the second not to can. But power to doe
good, is the true & lawfull end of aspiring. For good
thoughts, (though God accept them) yet towards men
are little better then good dreams : except they be put
in Act ; and that cannot be without power and place ;
as the vantage & commanding ground. Merit is the
ende of mans motion ; and conscience of merit is the
accomplishment of mans rest. For if a man can in any
measure be pertaker of Gods Theater, he shall like wise
326 APPENDIX II.
be pertaker of G-ods rest. Et couersus Deus vt aspieeret
opera quce fecerut manus suce vidit quod omnia essent
bona nimis, and then the Sabbath. In the discharge of
thy place, set before thee the best examples ; for imi-
tation is a globe of precepts. And after a time, set
before thee thine owne example, and examine thy self
strictly, whether thou diddest not best at first. Re-
forme without brauery or scandall of former times and
persons, but yet set it downe to thy selfe, as well to
create good presidents, as to follow them. Reduce
things to the first institution, and obserue wherein and
how they haue degenerate ; but yet aske counsell of
both times ; of the ancient time what is best ; and
of the latter time what is fittest. Seeke to make thy
course ^ reguler, that men may know before hand what
they may expect ; but be not too positiue, and expresse
thy selfe well when thou digressest from thy rule.
Preserue the rights of thy place, but stir not questions
of Jurisdiction : and rather assume thy right in silence
and defacto^ then voice it with claimes, and challenges.
Preserue Hkewise the rights of inferiour places ; and
thinke it more honour, to direct in chiefe, then to be
busie in al. Imbrace and inuite helpes, and intelligence
touching the execution of thy place ; and doe not driue
away such as bring thee information, as medlers, but
accept of them in good part. The vices of authority
are chiefly foure. Delates^ Corruptions^ Roughnesse^
and Facility. For Delaies, giue easie accesse ; keepe
times appointed ; go through with that which is in
hand, & interlace not busines, but of necessity. For
Corruptio, do not only bind thine owne hands, or thy
seruats hands that may take ; but bind the hands of
1 The MS. has courses.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 327
them that should offer. For integrity vsed doth the
one, but integrity professed & with a manifest de-
testation of bribery, doth the other. And auoid not
only the fault, but the suspition. Whosoeuer is found
variable and changeth manifestly, without manifest
cause, giueth suspicion of corruption. A seruant or a
fauourite if he be inward, and no other apparent cause
of esteeme : is commonly thought but a by-way. For
roughnes it is a needlesse cause of discontent. Seuerity
breedeth feare, but roughnesse breedeth hate. Euen
reproofes from authoritie, ought to bee graue and not
taunting. As for facility, it is worse then bribery ; for
bribes come but now and then, but if importunitie, or
idle respects leade a man, he shall neuer be without.
As Salomon saith ; To respect persoiis is not good ; for
such a man will transgresse for a peece of bread. It is
most true that was anciently spoken ; A place sheweth
the man : and it sheweth some to the better, and some
to the worse. Omnium consensu eapax imperij nisi imr
perasset, saith Tacitus of Galba; but of Vespasian he
saith. Solus imperantium Vespasianus mutatus hi me-
lius : Though the one was meant of sufficiency, the
other of manners and affection. It is an assured signe
of a worthy and generous spirit whom honor amends.
For honour is or should be the place of vertue ; and as
in nature things moue violently to their place ; and
calmely in their place ; so virtue in ambition is violent,
in authority, setled and calme.^
1 The two last words are not in the MS.
328 APPENDIX II.
9. Of Empire.
It is a miserable state of minde, to haue few things
to desire, and many things to feare : and yet, that com-
monly is the case of Kings ; who being at the highest,
want matter of desire ; which makes their mindes the
more languishing, and haue many representations of
perilles and shadowes, which makes their minds the
lesse cleere. And this is one reason also of that effect,
which the Scripture speaketh of; That the Kings heart
is inscrutable. For multitudes of iealousies, and lacke
of some predominant desire, that should marshall and
put in order all the rest, maketh any mans heart hard
to finde, or sound. Hence commeth it likewise that
Princes many times make theraselues desires, and s^
their hearts vpon toies ; sometimes vpon a building ;
sometimes vpon an order; sometimes vpon the ad-
uancing of a person ; sometimes vpon obtaining excel-
lency in some Arte, or feate of the hand : & such like
things, which seeme incredible to those that know not
the principle ; That the minde of man is more cheered
and refreshed by profiting in small things^ then by stand-
ing at a stay in great. Therefore great and fortunate
Conquerours in their first yeeres, turne melancholy and
superstitious in their latter, as did Alexander the great,
& in our memory Charles the fifth, and many others.
For he that is vsed to goe forward, and findeth a
stoppe, falleth out of his owne fauour. A true temper
of gouernment is a rare thing : For both temper and
distemper consist of contraries. But it is one thing to
mingle contraries, an other to interchange them. The
answer of Apolonius to Vespasian is full of excellent
instruction. Vespasian asked him What was Neroes
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 329
ouerthrow : hee answered ; JVero could touch and tune
the Harpe well ; But in gouernment sometimes he vsed
to ivinde the pinnes too hie, and sometimes to let them
downe too loive. And certain it is, that nothing de-
stroieth authority, so much as the vnequal and vn-
timely interchange of pressing power and relaxing
power. The wisdome of all these latter times, in
Princes affaires, is rather fine deliueries, and shiftings
of dangers and mischiefes when they are neere, then
solide and grounded courses to keep them aloofe. But
let men beware how they neglect and suffer matter of
trouble to bee prepared : for no man can forbid the
sparke, nor tell whence it may come. The difficult-
nesse in Princes businesse are many times great, but
the greatest difficulty is oflen in their owne minde.
For it is common with Princes (saith Tacitus^ to will
contradictories. Sunt plerunque Regum voluntates vehe-
meiites ^ inter se contrarice. For it is the Soloecisme
of power, to thinke to command the ende, and yet not
to endure the meane. Princes are like to the heauenly
bodies, which cause good or euill times ; and which
haue much veneration, but no rest.^ All precepts con-
cerning Kings are in effect, comprehended in those two
remembrances. Memento quod es homo, and Memento
quod es Deus, or Vice dei : The one to bridle their
power, and the other their will.
1 The rest is inserted in the margin of the MS. in Bacon's own hand:
only that the words ''or vice DeV are omitted.
330 APPENDIX II.
10. Of Counsell.
The greatest trust betweene man,^ is the trust of
giuing cousell. For in other confidences men commit
the partes of their Hfe, their lands, their goods, their
child, their credit; some particuler affaire. But to
such as they make their counsellors, they commit the
whole ; by how much the more they are obliged to all
faith, and integrity. The wisest Princes need not
thinke it any diminution to their greatnesse, or deroga-
tion to their sufficiency, to rely vpon counsell. God
himselfe is not without : but hath made it one of the
great names of his blessed Son, The Counsellor. Sal-
omon hath pronounced, that In Counsel is stahilitie.
Things will haue their first or second agitation ; if
they bee not tossed vpon the arguments of counsel!,
they will be tossed vpon the wanes of Fortune; and
be fiiU of inconstancy, doing, and vndoing, like the
reeling of a drunken man. Salomons sonne found the
force of counsell, as his father saw the necessitie of it.
For the beloued kingdome of God was first rent and
broken by ill counsell ; vpon which counsel there are
set for our instruction, the two markes, whereby bad
counsell is for euer best discerned, that it was young
counsell for the persons, & violent counsell for the
matter. The ancient times doe set forth in figure
both the incorporation, and inseperable coniunction of
counsell with Kinges ; and the wise and politike vse
of Counsell by Kings : the one, in that they say Ju-
piter did marrie Metis (which signifieth Counsell.)
So as Soueraignty or authority is married to counsel.
The other in that which followeth ; which was thus,
1 The MS. has " between man and man."
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 331
They say after fwpiter was maiTied to Metis^ shee con-
ceiu'd by him, and was with childe, but Jupiter suffered
her not to stay till shee brought fourth, but eate her
vp ; whereby hee became with child and was dehuered
of Pallas^ armed out of his head. Which monstrous
fable containeth a secret of Umpire: How Kings are
to make vse of their Counsell of state. That first they
ought to referre matters to them, which is the first
begetting, or impregnation ; but when they are elab-
orate, moulded, and shaped in the wombe of their
counsell and growe ripe, and ready to be brought
fourth ; that then they suffer not their counsel to go
through, with the resolution and direction, as if it de-
pended vpon the ; but take the matter back into their
own hand, & make it appeare to the world, that the
decrees and final directions (which because they come
forth with prudece, and power, are resembled to Pallas
armed) proceeded from themselues : and not onely from
their authority, but (the more to adde reputation to
themselues) from their head and deuice. The incon-
ueniences that haue beene noted in calling and vsing
counsell, are three. First, the reuealing of affaires,
whereby they become lesse secret. Secondly, the
weakning of the authority of Princes, as if they were
lesse of themselues. Thirdly, the danger of being vn-
faithfully counselled, and more for the good of them
that counsel, then of him that is counselled. For
which inconueniences, the doctrine of Itali/^ and prac-
tise of France, hath introduced Cabanet counsels, a
remedy worse then the disease.^ But for secrecy,
1 The MS. proceeds thus : " which hath tourned Metis the -wife to Metis
the mistresse, that is Councells of State to which Princes are [solemly]
332 APPENDIX II.
Princes are not bound to communicate all matters with
all Councellors, but may extract and select. Neither
is it necessarie, that hee that consulteth what hee
should doe ; should declare what hee will doe. But
let Princes beware that the vnsecreting of their aifaires
come not from themselues. And as for Cabanet Coun-
sell, it may be their Mot^ Plenus rimarum sum. One
futile person, that maketh it his glory to tell, will do
more hurt, then manie that know it their dutie to con-
ceale. For weakning of authority, the fable sheweth
the remedy ; neither was there euer Prince bereaved
of his dependances by his Counsell, except where there
hath been either an ouergreatnesse in one, or an ouer-
strict combination in diuerse ; for the last incouenience
that men will counsell with an eie to themselues. Cer-
tainlie, J^^on inueniet fidem super terram is meant of the
nature of times, and not of all particuler persons.
There bee that are in nature faithfull and sinceare,
and plaine, and direct, not craftie and inuolued. Let
Princes aboue all, draw to themselues such natures.
Besides, counsels are not commonly so vnited, but that
one keepeth Sentinell ouer an other. But the best
remedie is, if Princes know their counsellors, as well
as their Counsellors know them, Prindpis est virtus
maxima nosse suos. And of the other side Councellors
should not be too speculatiue into their Soueraignes
person. The true composition of a Councellor, is
rather to be skilfull in their Masters businesse, then
in his nature : For then he is like to aduise him, and
marryed, to Councells of gracious persons recommended cheifly by [flat-
tery and] affection."
The word "solemly " has a line drawn through it, and the words "flat-
tery and" are inserted between the lines in Bacon's hand.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 333
not to feed his humor. It is of singuler vse to Princes^
if they take the opinions of their Councell, both sepe-
ratly and together. For priuate opinion is more free,
but opinion before others is more reuerent. In priuate,
men are more bold in their own humors ; and in
consort, men are more obnoxious to others humours.
Therefore it is good to take both, and of the inferiour
sort rather in priuate to preserue freedome ; of the
greater rather in consort, to preserue respect.^ It is in
vain for Princes to take counsell concerning matters :
if they take no counsell likewise concerning persons.
For all matters are as dead images, and the life of the
execution of affaires resteth in the good choise of per-
sons. Neither is it enough to consult concerning per-
sons, secundum genera^ as in an Idea^ or mathematical!
description, what kind of person should be ; but in
indiuiduo : For the greatest errors, and the greatest
iudgement are shewed in the choice of Indiuiduals? It
was truly said, Optwii Consiliarij mortui. Bookes will
speake plaine, when Councellors blanch. Therefore it
is good to be conuersant in them, specially the books
of such as themselues haue beene Actors vpon the
Stage.
11. Of Dispatch.
Affected dispatch is one of the most dangerous
things to businesse that can bee. It is like that which
the PJiysitians caU pre-digestion, or hasty digestion,
which is sure to fill the bodie full of crudities and se-
1 The two clauses " to preserve freedom," and to "preserve respect," are
not in the MS.
2 The Essay ends here in the MS.
334 APPENDIX II.
cret seedes of diseases. Therefore measure not dispatch
by the times of sitting, but by the aduancement of the
businesse. It is the care of some onely to come of
speedily for the time, or to contriue some false periods
of businesse, because they may seeme men of dispatch.
But it is one thinge to make short by contracting ;
another by cutting off: and businesse so handled by
peeces, is commonly protracted in the whole. I knew
a wise man had it for a bie-word, when he saw men
hasten to ^ conclusion ; Stay a little that wee may make
an end the sooner. On the other side, true dispatch is
a rich thing : For time is the measure of businesse, as
money is of wares : and businesse is bought at a deare
hand where there is small dispatch. Giue good hear-
ing to those that giue the first information in businesse ;
and rather direct them in the beginning, then interrupt
them in the continuance of their speeches : For he tiiat
is put out of his owne order, will goe forward, and
backwards, and be more tedious by parcels, then he
could haue bin at once. But sometimes it is scene,
that the moderator is more troublesome, then the Actor.
Iterations are commonly losse of time ; but there is
no such gaine of time, as to iterate often the state of
the question. For it chaseth away many a friuolous
speech, as it is comming forth. Long and curious
speeches are as fit for dispatch, as a Robe or Mantle
with a long traine, is for race. Prefaces, and passages,
and excusations, and other speeches of reference to the
person, are great wastes of time, and though they
seeme to proceede of modesty, they are brauery. Yet
beware of being too materiall, when there is any im-
pediment, or obstruction in mens will.^ For preoccu-
1 wills in MS.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 335
pation euer requireth preface : like a fomentation to
make the vnguent enter. Above all things, order and
distribution is the life of dispatch : so as the distribu-
tion bee not too subtill : For he that doth not diuide,
will neuer enter well into businesse ; and he that diuid-
eth too much will neuer come out of it clearely. To
chuse time, is to saue time, and an vnseasonable motion
is but beating the aire. There bee three parts of busi-
nesse ; the preparation, the debate, or examination, and
the perfection. Whereof if you looke for dispatch, let
the midle onely be the worke of many, and the first
and last the worke of few. The proceeding vpon
somewhat conceiued in writing, doth for the most part
facilitate dispatch. For though it should bee wholly
reiected, yet that Negatiue is more pregnant of a direc-
tion, then an indefinite ; as ashes are more generatiue
than dust.
12. Of Love.
Love is the argument alwaies of Comedies^ and
many times of Tragedies. Which sheweth well, that
it is a passion generally light, and sometimes extreme.
Extreame it may well bee, since the speaking in a
perpetuall Hyperbole^ is comely in nothing, but Loue.
Neither is it meerely in the phrase. For whereas it
hath beene well said, that the Arch- flatterer with whom
al the petty-flatters haue intelligence, is a Mans selfe,
certainely the louer is more. For there was neuer
proud Man thought so absurdly well of himselfe, as
the louer doth of the person loued : and therefore it
was well said, that it is impossible to loue, and to bee
wise. Neither doth this weakenes appeare to others
336 APPENDIX II.
only, and not to the party loued, but to the loued most
of all, except the loue bee reciproque. For it is a true
rule, that loue is euer rewarded either with the recip-
roque, or with an inward and secret contempt. By
how much the more, men ought to beware of this pas-
sion, which loseth not onely other things, but it selfe.
As for the other losses, the Poets relation doth wel
figure them : That hee that preferred Helena^ quitted
the gifts of luno and Pallas. For whosoeuer esteemeth
too much of amorous affection, quitteth both riches and
wisdome. This passion hath his flouds in the verie
times of weakenesse ; which are great prosperity, and
great aduersitie. (though this latter hath beene lesse
obserued) Both which times kindle loue and make it
more feruent, and therefore shew it to be the childe of
folly. They doe best that make this affection keepe
quarter, and seuer it wholly from their serious affaires
and actions of their life. For if it checke once with
businesse, it troubleth Mens fortunes, and maketh Men,
that they can no waies be true to their own endes.
13. Of Friendship.
There is no greater desert or wildernes then to
bee without true friends. For without friendship, so-
ciety is but meeting. And as it is certaine, that in
bodies inanimate, vnion strengthneth any naturall mo-
tion, and weakeneth any violent motion ; So amongst
men, friendship multiplieth ioies, and diuideth griefes.
Therefore whosoeuer wanteth fortitude, let him wor-
shippe Friendship. For the yoke of Friendship mak-
eth the yoke o^ fortune more light. There bee some
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 337
whose Hues are, as if they perpetually plaid vpon a
stage, disguised to all others, open onely to them-
selues. But perpetuall dissimulation is painfull ; and
hee that is all Fortune^ and no Nature is an exquisite
Hierling. Liue not in continual} smother, but take
some friends with whom to communicate. It will
unfold thy vnderstanding ; it will euaporate thy affec-
tions ; it will prepare thy businesse. A man may
keepe a corner of his niinde from his friend, and it be
but to witnesse to himselfe, that it is not vpon facility,
but vpon true vse of friendship that hee imparteth him-
selfe. Want of true friends, as it is the reward of
perfidious natures ; so is it an imposition vpon great
fortunes. The one deserue it, the other cannot scape
it. And therefore it is good to retaine sincerity, and
to put it into the reckoning of Ambition, that the
higher one goeth, the fewer true friends he shall haue.
Perfection of friendship, is but a speculation. It is
friendship, when a man can say to himselfe, I loue this
man without respect of vtility. I am open hearted to
him, I single him fro the generality of those with
whom I liue ; I make him a portion of my owne
wishes.
14. Of Atheisme.
I HAD rather beleeue all the fables in the Legend,
and the Alcaron, then that this vniuersall frame is with-
out a minde. And therefore God neuer wrought myr-
acle to conuince Atheists, because his ordinary works
conuince them. Certainely a little JPMlosopMe inclin-
eth mans minde ^ to Atheisme, but depth in Philosophie
1 man's minde omitted in MS.
VOL. XII. 22
338 APPENDIX II.
brincreth men about to Relimon. For when the minde of
man looketh vpon second causes scattered, sometimes it
resteth in them; but when it beholdeth them confed-
erat, and knit together, it flies to prouidence and Deitie.
Most of all, that schoole which is most accused of
Atheisme doth demonstrate Religion. That is, the
Schoole of Leusippus^ and Democritus, and Epicurus,
For it is a thousand times more credible, that foure
mutable Elements, and one immutable fifth essence,
duely and eternally placed, neede no God : then
that an Army of infinite small portions or seeds vn-
placed, should haue produced this order, and beau-
ty, without a diuine Marshall. The scripture saith,
The foole hath said in his hearty there is no God,
It is not said. The foole hath thought in his heart.
So as he rather saith it by rote to himselfe, as that
he would haue ; then that hee can throughly be-
leeue it, or bee perswaded of it. For none denie
there is a God, but those for whom it maketh, that
there were no God. Epicurus is charged that he did
but dissemble for his credits sake, when he affirmed
there were blessed natures, but such as enioyed them-
selues, without hauing respect to the gouernment of
the world. Wherein they say, he did temporize,
though in secret, hee thought, there was no God.
But certainly hee is traduced ; for his words are
noble and diuine. Non Deos vulgi negare profanum^
sed vulgi opiniones Dijs applieare profanum. Plato
could haue said no more. And although he had
the confidence to denie the administration ; he had
not the power to deny the nature. The Indians
of the West, haue names for their particuler gods,
though they haue no name for God : as if the hea-
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 339
thens should haue had the names, Jupiter, Apollo, Mars,
^c. but not the word Deus : which shews yet they
haue the motion though not the full extent. So
that against Atheists, the most barbarous Sauages,
take part with the subtillest philosophers. They that
deny a God destroy mans nobility. For certainely
man is of kinne to the beasts by his body; and if
he bee not of kin to God by his spirit, he is a
base and imioble creature. It destroies likewise mao;-
nanimity, and the raising of humane nature. For,
take an example of a dog, and marke what a gen-
erosity and courage he will put on, when hee lindes
himselfe maintained by a man, which to him is in-
stead of a god, or Melior natura: Which courage
is manifestly such, as that creature, without that con-
fidence of a better nature than his owne, could neu-
er attaine. So man when he resteth and assure th
himselfe vpon Diuine protection and fauour ; gath-
ereth a force, and faith, which humane nature in it
selfe could not obtaine. Therefore as Atheisme is
in all respects hatefull : So in this, that it depriueth
humane nature of the meanes to exalt it selfe aboue
humane frailty. As it is in particuler persons; so
it is in Nations. Neuer was there such a state for
magnanimity as Home. Of this state, heare what
Cicero saith ; Quam volumus licet P. Cons, nos ame-
mus, tamen nee numero Hispanos, nee rohore G alios,
nee calliditate Poenos, nee artibus Grceeos, nee deni-
que hoc ipso huius gentis ^ terrce domestico, natiuoque
sensu Italos ipsos ^ Latinos ; sed pietate, ac religione,
atque hac vnd sapientid quod Deorum immortalium
numine omnia regi gubernarique perspeximus, omnes
gentes, Nationesque superauimus.
840
APPENI
15. Of Superstition.
It were better to haue no opinion of God at all;
then such an opinion as is vnworthy of him; For
the one is vnbeliefe, the other is Contumely ; and cer-
tainely superstition is the reproch of Deitie.^ Athen
isme leaues a Man to sense, to Philosophy, to nat-
urall piety, to lawes, to reputation, all which may
bee guides vnto vertue, though Religion were not;
but superstition dismounts all these, and erecteth an
absolute Tyranny in the minde of men. Therefore
Atheisme did neuer perturbe states ; for it makes
men wary of themselues, as looking no further : and
we see the times inclined to Atheisme, as the time
of Augustus Ocesar, and our owne times in some
Countries, were, and are, ciuill times. But Super-
stition, hath beene the confusion and desolation of
many states : and bringeth in a new Primum Mob-
ile that rauisheth al the spheres of gouernment. The
master of Superstition is the people : and in al su-
perstition, wise men follow fooles ; and arguments are
fitted to practise, in a reuersed order. There is no
such Atheist, as an Hipocrite, or Impostor: and
it is not possible, but where the generality is su-
perstitious, many of the leaders are Hipocrits. The
causes of Atheisme are, diuisions in Religion ; scan-
dall of Priests ; and learned times ; specially if pros-
perous ; though for diuisions, any one maine diuis-
ion addeth zeale to both sides, but many diuisions
introduce Atheisme. The causes of Superstition are,
the pleasing of Ceremonies; the excesse of outward
holinesse ; the reuerence of traditions ; the stratagems
1 of the Deytie, MS.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 341
of Prelats for their owne ambition and lucre, and
barbarous times, specially with calamities, and dis-
asters. Superstition without his vaile is a deformed
thing ; for as it addeth deformity to an Ape, to be
so like a man ; So the similitude of superstition to
Religion^ makes it the more deforaied. And as whole- !
some meat corrupteth to little wormes ; so good formes
and orders, corrupt into a number of pettie obseru-
ances.
16. WiSDOME FOR A MANS SELFE.
An Ante is a wise creature for it selfe: But it is
a shrewd thing in an Orchard or garden. And cer-
tainly men that are great louers of themselues, waste
the publike. Diuide with reason betweene selfe loue,
and society : and bee so true to thy selfe, as thou be
not false to others. It is a poore Centre of a mans
actions, himselfe. It is right earth. For that only
stands fast vpon his owne centre : whereas all things
that haue affinity with the heauens, moue vpon the cen-
tre of an other, which they benefit. The referring of
all to a mans selfe, is more tollerable in a soueraigne
Prince ; because themselues are not themselues ; but
their good and euill is at the perill of the publike for-
tune. But it is a desperate euil in a seruant to a
Prince^ or a Citizen in a Rcpuhlike. For whatsoeuer
affaires passe such a mans hand, hee crooketh them
to his owne ends : which must needs bee often Eccen^
trike to the ends of his master or state. Therefore let
Princes or States, chuse such seruants, as haue not
this marke ; except they meane their seruice should
bee made but the accessary. And that which maketh
342
APPENDIX II.
the effect more pemitious, is, that al proportion is lost.
It were disproportion enough for the seruants good to
be preferred before the masters : But yet it is a greater
extreme, when a little good of the servants, shall carrie
things against a great good of the masters. And yet
that is the case ; for the good such seruants receiue ;
is after the modell of their owne fortune : but the hurt
they sell for that good, is after the modell of their Mas-
ters Fortune, And certainely it is the nature of ex-
treme selfe-louers, as they will set an house on fire,
and it were but to rost their egges ; ^ and yet these
men many times hold credit with their masters ; be-
cause their study is but to please them, and profit
themselves ; and for either respect they will abandon
the good of their affaires.
17. Or Regiment of health.
There is a wisdome in this, beyond the rules of
Phisiche. A mans owne obseruation what he findes
good of, and what hee findes hurt of, is the best Phys-
icke to preserue health. But it is a safer conclusion
to say ; this agreeth not well with mee, therefore I
will not continue it ; then this, I finde no offence of
this, therefore I may vse it : for strength of nature
in youth, passeth ouer many excesses, which are owing
a man till his age. Discerne of the comming on of
yeeres : and thinke not to doe the same things still.
Certainly most lusty old men catch their death by
that aduenture; For age will not be defied.^ Be-
ware of any sudden change in any great point of diet,
1 egge in MS. 2 Xhis sentence is not in the MS.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 343
and if necessitie enforce it, fit the rest to it. For it
is a secret both in nature and state, that it is safer to
change many things then one.^ To bee free minded
and cherefullie disposed at houres of meat, and of
sleepe, and of exercise, is the best precept of long
lasting. If you fly Phisicke in health altogether, it
will be too strange for your body, when you shall
need it : if you make it too familiar, it will worke no
extraordinary effect, when sicknesse commeth. De-
spise no new accident in your body, but aske opinion
of it. In sicknesse respect health principally, and in
health action. For those that put their bodies to en-
dure in health, may in most sicknesses, which are not
very sharpe, be cured onely with diet and tendering.^
Celsus could neuer haue spoken it as a Physitian had
he not been a wise man withall : when he giueth it
for one of the great precepts of health and lasting;
Tliat a man doe varie and interchange contraries, but
with an inclination to the more benign extreame ; vse
fasting and full eating, but rather full eating ; watch-
ing and sleepe, but rather sleepe ; sitting and exercise,
but rather exercise, and the like. So shall nature bee
cherished and yet taught masteries. Physitians are some
of them so pleasing & conformable to the humors of the
Patient, as they presse not the true cure of the disease ;
and some other are so regular, in proceeding accord-
ing to art for the disease, as they respect not suffi-
ciently the condition of the Patient. Take one of a
middle temper, or if it may not be found in one man,
combine two of both sorts : and forget not to call as
well the best acquainted with your bodie, as the best
reputed of, for his faculty.
1 This sentence is not in the MS.
2 The next three sentences, down to " masteries," are not in the MS.
344 APPENDIX II.
18. Of Expences.
Riches are for spending, and spending for honour
& good actions. Therefore extraordinary expence
must bee limited by the worth of the occasion, for
voluntary vndoing may bee aswell for a mans Coun-
trey, as for the kingdome of Heauen. But ordinarie
expence, ought to be limitted by a mans estate and
gouerned with such regard, as it be within his com-
passe, and not subiect to deceit, and abuse of seruants ;
and ordered to the best shew, that the bils may be
lesse then the estimation abroad. It is no basenesse for
the greatest to descend and looke into their owne es-
tates. Some forbeare it not vpon negligence alone,
but doubting to bring themselues into malancholy in
respect they shall find it broken. But wounds cannot
bee cured without searching. Hee that cannot looke
into his owne estate at alP, had neede both choose
well those whom he imploieth, and change them often :
for new are more timorous, and less subtill. He that
can looke into his estate but seldom, had need turne all
to certainties.^ In cleering of a mans estate, hee may
aswell hurt himselfe in being too sudden, as in letting
it run on to long. For hasty selling is commonly as
disaduantageable as interest.^ Besides, he that cleeres
at once will relapse : For finding himself out of straights,
he wil reuert to his custom es. But hee that cleereth
by degrees, induceth an habite of frugality, and gain-
eth aswell vpon his minde as vpon his estate. Cer-
tainly who hath a state to repaire may not despise
1 The words at all are not in the MS.
2 This sentence is not in the MS.
8 The next two sentences (down to " certainly ") are not in the MS.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 345
small things ; and commonly it is lesse dishonourable
to abridge pettie charges, then to stoope to petty get-
tings. A man ought warily to begin charges, which jj
once begun must continue. But in matters that re- ^
tm-n not, he may bee more magnificent.
19. Of Discourse.
Some in their discourse desire rather comendation
of wit, in beeing able to holde all arguments, then of
iudgement in discerning what is true ; as if it were a
praise to know what might be said, & not what should
be thought. Some haue certaine common places, &
theames wherein they are good, and want variety :
which kind of pouerty is for the most part tedious,
and now and then ridiculous. The honorablest kind
of talke, is to giue the occasion, and againe to moder-
ate and passe to somewhat else. It is good to varie
and mixe speech of the present occasion with argu-
ment : tales with reasons ; asking of questions, with
telling of opinions : and iest with earnest. But some
things are priuiledged from iest, namely religion, mat-
ters of State, great persons, any mans present busi-
nesse of importance, and any case that deserueth
pitty^; and generally men ought to finde the differ-
ence betweene saltnesse and bitternesse. Certainly
he that hath a Satyricall vaine, as he maketh oth-
ers afraid of his wit, so he had need be afraid of
others memory. He that questioneth much shall
learne much, and content much : specially if he ap-
plie his questions to the skill of the persons of whom
1 What follows, (down to " memory,") is not in the MS.
346 APPENDIX II.
he asketh : For he shall giue them occasion to please
themselues in speaking, and himselfe shal continually
gather knowledge. If you dissemble sometimes your
knowledge of that you are thought to know, you
shall be thought an other time to know that you
know not. Speech of a mas selfe is not good often,
and there is but one case wherin a man may commend
himselfe with good grace, and that is in commending
vertue in another, especially if it bee such a vertue,
as whereunto himselfe pretendeth. Speech of touch
toward others, should bee sparingly vsed ; for dis-
course ought to bee as a field, without comming home
to any man.'^ Discretion of speech is more than elo-
quence ; and to speake agreeably to him with whom
wee deale, is more then to speake in good words, or
in good order. A good continued speech without a
good speech of interlocution, sheweth slownesse : and
a good reply, or second speech, without a good setled
speech, sheweth shallownesse and weakenesse : as wee
see in beasts, that those that are weakest in the course,
are yet nimblest in the turne. To vse too many cir-
cumstances ere one come to the matter, is wearisome ;
to vse none at all, is blunt.
20. Of Seeming wise.
It hath beene an opinion, that the French are wiser
than they seeme, and the Spaniards seem wiser the
they are : But howsoeuer it be betweene Nations, cer-
tainely it is so between Man and Man. For as the
Apostle saith of godlinesse : Hauing a shew of godli-
1 This sentence is not in the MS.
I
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 347
nesse, but denying the power thereof ; So certainlie there
are in point of wisdome and sufficiencie, that doe noth-
ing or little verie solemnly ; Magno conatu nugas. It
is a ridiculous thing, and fit for a Satyre to persons of
iudgement, to see what shifts these formalists haue, and
what perspectiues to make Superficies to seeme body,
that hath depth and bulke. Some are so close, and
reserued, as they will not shew their wares, but by a
darke light; and seeme alwaies to keepe back some-
what ; and when they know within themselues, they
speake of that they doe not well know ; would neuer-
thelesse seeme to others, to know of that which they
may not well speake : Some helpe themselues with
countenance and gesture, and are wise by signes, as
Cicero saith of Piso^ that when he answered him, he
fetched one of his brows vp to his forehead, and bent
the other downe to his chinne : Responded altero ad
frontem svhlato^ altero ad mentum depresso super oilio,
crudelitatem tihi non placere. Some thinke to bear it
by speaking a great word, and being peremptory, and
will goe on and take by admittance that which they
cannot make good. Some, whatsoeuer is beyond their
reach, they will seeme to despise or make light of, as
impertinent or curious ; and so would haue their Ig-
norance seeme iudo-ement. Some are neuer without
a difference, and commonly by amusing men with a
subtilty, blanch the matter. Of whom Grellius saith ;
Hominem delirum, qui verborum minutijs rerum frangit
pondera. Of which kinde also, Plato in his Protagoras
bringeth in Prodicus in scorne, and maketh him make
a speech that consisteth of distinctions from the begin-
ning to the end. Generally, such men in all delibera-
tions, finde ease to be of the Negatiue side, and affect
348 APPENDIX II.
a credit to obiect and foretell difficulties. For when
propositions are denied, there is an end of them, but if
they bee allowed, it requireth a new worke ; which
false point of wisdome is the bane of businesse. To
conclude, there is no decaying Marchant, or inward
beggar, hath so many tricks to vphold the credit of
their wealth, as these emptie persons haue to maintaine
the credit of their sufficiency.
21. Of Riches.
I CANNOT call Riches better then the baggage of
Vertue; the Romane word is better. Impedimenta; For
as the baggage is to an Armie, so is riches to vertue :
It cannot be spared, nor left behinde ; but it hindreth
the March, yea and the care of it sometimes loseth or
disturbeth the victory. Of great Miches there is no
reall vse, except it bee in the distribution : the rest is
but conceit. So saith Salomon : Where much is^ there
are many to consume it, and what hath the owner but the
sight of it with his eies P The personall fruition in any
man cannot reach to feele great riches ; there is a
custody of them ; or a power of Dole and donatiue of
them ; or a fame of them ; but no solide vse to the
owner. Doe you not see what fained prises are set
upon little stones, and rarities, and what works of os-
tentation are vndertaken, because there might seeme to
bee some vse of great riches ? But then they may be
of vse to buy men out of dangers or troubles : as Salo-
mon saith ; Miches are as a strong hold in the imagina-
tion of the rich man. But this is excellently expressed,
that it is in Imagination ; and not alwaies in fact. For
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 349
certainly, great riches haue sold more men then they
haue bought out. Seeke not proud Riches ; but
such as thou maiest get iustly ; vse soberlie, distribute
cheerefully, and leaue contentedly. Yet haue no ab-
stract, nor frierly contempt of them. But distinguish,
as Cicero saith well of Mabirius Posthumus : In studio
rei amplificandce, apparehat non auaritice prcedam sed
instrumentum honitati quceri. Neither trust thou much
others, that seeme to despise them : For they despise
them that dispaire of them, and none worse, when
they come to them. Be not penny-wise ; Riches haue
wings ; & sometimes they fly away of themselves ;
sometimes they must bee set flying, to bring in more.
Men leaue their riches, either to their kindred, or to
the publike : and moderate portions prosper best in
both. A great state left to an heire, is as a lure to al
the birds of prey round about, to seize on him, if he
bee not the better stablished in yeeres & iudgement.
Likewise glorious gifts, and foundations, are but the
painted Sepulchres of Almes^ which soone wil putrifie
and corrupt inwardly. Therefore measure not thy ad-
uancements by quantity, but frame them by measure ;
and defen'e not charities till death : for certainly, if a
man weigh it rightly, he that doth so is rather liberall ,
of another mans, then of his owne.
22. Of Ambition.
Ambition is like choler ; which is an humor that
maketh men actiue, earnest, fall of alacrity and stir-
ring, if it be not stopped. But if it be stopped, and
cannot haue his way, it becometh adust, and thereby
350 APPENDIX II.
maligne and venemous. So ambitious men if they
finde the way open for their rising, and still get for-
ward ; they are rather busie than dangerous : but if
they be checked in their desires, they become secretly
discontent, and looke vpon men, and matters with an
euill eie, and are best pleased when things goe back-
ward : which is the worst propertie that can be in a
seruant of a Prince^ or State. . Therfore it is good for
Princes^ if they vse ambitious men to handle it so, as
they be stil progressiue, and not retrograde : which be-
cause it cannot bee without inconuenience ; it is good
not to vse such natures at all. For if they rise not
with their seruice, they will take order to make their
seruice fal with them. Of Ambitions, it is the lesse
harmefull, the Ambition to preuaile in great things ;
then that other to appeare in euery thing : For that
breedes confusion, and marres businesse. He that
seeketh to be eminent amongst able men, hath a great
taske : but that is euer good for the publike. But he
that plots to bee the onely figure amongst Ciphers, is
the decay of an whole age. Honour hath three things
in it ; The vantage ground to doe good ; The approach
to Kings and principall persons ; And the raising of a
mans owne Fortunes. He that hath the best of these
intentions when hee aspireth, is an honest man ; and
that Prince that can discerne of these intentions in
another that aspireth, is a wise Prince. Generally, let
Princes and States chuse such ministers, as are more
sensible of duty, then of rising ; and such as loue busi-
nesse rather vpon conscience, then vpon brauery : and
let them discerne a busie nature, from a willing minde.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 351
23. Of Young men and Age.
A MAN that is young in yeeres, may bee old in
houres ; if he haue lost no time. But that happeiieth
rarely. Generally youth is like the first cogitations,
not so wise as the second : For there is a youth in
thoughts, as well as in ages. Natures that haue much
heat, and great and violent desires and perturbations,
are not ripe for action, till they haue passed the merid-
ian of their yeeres : but reposed natures may doe well
in youth : as on the otherside heate and viuacity in age
is an excellent composition for businesse. Young men
are fitter to inuent then to iudge ; fitter for execution
then for Counsell ; and fitter for new proiects, then for
setled businesse. For the experience of age in things
that fall within the compasse of it, directeth them : but
in things meerly new abuseth them. The errors of
young men are the mine of businesse : But the errours
of aged men, amount but to this ; that more might haue
bin done, or sooner. Young men in the conduct and
mannage of Actions, embrace more than they can hold,
stirre more then they can quiet, flie to the end without
consideration of the meanes, and degrees, pursue some
fewe principles, which they haue chanced vpon absurd-
ly, care not to innouate, which drawes vnknowne in-
conueniencies ; vse extreme remedies at first : and that
which doubleth all errors, will not acknowledge nor
retract them ; like an vnready horse, that wil neither
stop nor turne. Men of age obiect too much, consulte
too long, aduenture too little, repent too soone, &
seldome driue businesse home to the full period ;
but content themselues with a mediocrity of successe.
Certainly it is good to compound imploiments of both :
352 APPENDIX II.
for that will bee good for the present ; because the ver-
tues of either age may correct the defects of both : and
good for succession, that young men may bee learners,
while men in age are Actors : and lastly, in respect of
externe accidents, because authority followeth old men,
and fauour and popularity youth. But for the morall
part : perhaps youth will haue the preheminence, as
age hath for the politike. A certaine Rabhy vpon the
Text, Your Young men shall see visions^ and your Old
men shall dreame Dreames : inferreth, that young men
are admitted neerer to God then old, because vision is
a cleerer reuelation, then a dreame. And certainlie,
the more a man drinketh of the world, the more it
intoxicateth ; and age doth profit rather in the powers
of vnderstanding, then in the vertues of the will and
affections.
24. Of Beauty.
Vertue is like a rich stone, best plain set : and
surely vertue is best set in a body that is comely
though not of delicate features ; and that hath rather
dignity of presence, then beauty of aspect. Neither is it
almost scene, that verie beautiful persons are otherwise
of great vertue ; as if nature were rather busie not to
erre, then in labour to produce excellency. And there-
fore they proue accomphshed, but not of great spirit ;
and study rather behauiour then vertue. In Beautie,
that of fauour is more then that of colour ; and that
of decent and gratious motion, more then that of fa-
uour. That is the best part of beauty which a picture
cannot expresse : no nor the first sight of the life : &
there is no excellent beauty, that hath not some strange-
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 353
nesse in the proportions. A man cannot tell whether
Apelles or Albert Durere were the more trifler. Where-
of the one would make a personage by Geometrical
proportions, the other by taking the best parts out of
diuers faces, to make one excellent. Such personages
I thinke would please no body, but the Painter that
made them. Not but I thinke a Painter may make a
better face than euer was : But hee must doe it by a
kinde of felicity, (as a Musitian that maketh an excellet
aire in MusicJc) and not by rule. If it bee true that
the principall part of beauty is in decent motion ; cer-
tain ely it is no maruell, though persons in yeeres seeme
many times more amiable Pulchrorum Autumnus pul-
cher. For no youth can be comely, but by pardon, &
considering ^ the youth, as to make vp the comelinesse.
Beauty is as sommer fruits, which are easie to corrupt
and cannot last : and for the most part, it makes a dis-
solute youth, & an age a little out of countenance:
But yet certainly againe, if it light well, it maketh
vertues shine, and vices blush.
25. Of Deformity.
Deformed persons are commonly euen with nature :
for as Nature hath done ill by them, so doe they by
nature, being for the most part (as the Scripture saith)
void of naturall affection ; and so they haue their re-
uenge of nature. Certainlie, there is a consent be-
tweene the body and the minde, and where Nature
erreth in the one; she ventureth in the other. Vbi
peccat in vno periclitatur in altera. But because there
I " and by considering," in MS.
VOL. XII. 23
354 APPENDIX 11.
is in man an election touching the frame of his minde,
and a necessitie in the frame of his body ; the starres
of natural! inclination, are sometimes obscured by the
sunne of discipline and vertue. Therefore it is good
to consider of deformity, not as a signe, which is more
deceiueable ; but as a cause, which seldome faileth
of the eifect. Whosoeuer hath any thing fixed in his
person, that doth induce contempt; hath also a per-
petuall spurre in himselfe, to rescue and deliuer himself
from scorne. Therefore all deformed persons are ex-
treme bold : first, as in their owne defence, as being
exposed to scorne ; but in processe of time, by a generall
habite. Also, it stirreth in them Industrie, and special-
ly of this kinde, to watch and obserue the weaknesse
of others, that they may haue somewhat to repay.
Againe in their superiours, it quencheth ielousie towards
them, as persons that they thinke they may at pleasure
despise ; and it layeth their competitors and emulators
asleepe : as neuer beleeuing they should bee in possi-
bility of aduancement, till they see them in possession.
So that vpon the whole matter, in a great wit, deformi-
ty is an aduantage to rising. Kings in ancient times,
and at this present in some Countries were wont to put
great trust in EunucJies ; because they that are enuious
towards all, are more obnoxious and officious towards
one. But yet their trust towards them, hath rather
beene as to good spials, & good whisperers ; then good
Magistrates, and officers. And much like is the
reason of deformed persons. Still the ground is, they
will, if they bee of spirit, seeke to free themselues from
scorne : which must bee either by vertue, or malice ;
and therefore they prooue either the best of men, or
the worst, or strangely mixed.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 355
26. Of Nature in Men.
Nature is often hidden, sometimes ouercome ; sel-
dom extinguished. Force maketh nature more violent
in the returne : doctrine and discourse maketh nature
lesse importune ; but custome onely doth alter and sub-
due nature. Hee that seeketh victorie ouer his nature,
let him not set himselfe to great, nor to small taskes.
For the first will make him deiected by often failes ;
and the second will make him a small proceeder, though
by often preuailings. And at the first let him practise
with helps as Swimmers doe with bladders, or rushes :
but after a time let him practise with disaduantages, as
dauncers do with thicke shooes. For it breeds great
perfection, if the Practise bee harder than the vse.
Wher nature is mighty, and therefore the victorie
hard ; the degrees had need bee, first to stay and arrest
nature in time : like to him that would say ouer the
foure and twenty letters when he was angry, then
to go lesse in quan title ; as if one should in forbear-
ing wine come from drinking healthes, to a draught a
meale ; ^ and lastlie to discontinue altogether. But if a
man haue the fortitude and resolution to in franchise
himselfe at once that is the best;
Optimtis ille animi vindex kedeniia pectus
Vincula qui rupit, dedoluitque semel.
Neither is the ancient rule amisse, to bend nature as a
wand, to a contrary extreame, whereby to set it right ;
vnderstanding it, where the contrary extreme is no
vice.2 Let not a man force a habite vpon himselfe
1 The words "like to . . . angry," and " as if . . . meale," are not
in the MS.
2 The MS. has "neither is it amisse to bend nature to a contrarye ex-
treame, where it is noe vice."
356 APPENDIX n.
with a perpetual continuance, but with some intermis-
sion. For both the pause reinforceth the new onset ;
and if a man that is not perfect be euer in practise,
hee shall aswell practise his errors, as his abilities, and
induce one habite of both : and there is no meanes
to help this, but by sesonable intermissions. A mans
nature is best perceiued in priuatnesse, for there is no
affectation ; in passion for that putteth a man out of his
precepts ; and in a new case, or experiment, for there
custome leueth him. They are happy inen, whose
natures sort with their vocations, otherwise they may
say, Multum ineolafuit anima mea^ when they conuerse
in those things they doe not affect. In studies what-
soeuer a man commandeth vpon himselfe, let him set
hours for it. But whatsoeuer is agreeable to his na-
ture, let him take no care for any set times : For his
thoughts will flye to it of themselues; so as the spases
of other businesse or studies will suffice.
27. Of Custome and Education.
Mens thoughts are much according to their inchna-
tion ; their discourse and speeches according to their
learning, and infused opinions ; But their deedes are
after as they haue beene accustomed. And therefore
as Macciauel wel noteth, (though in an euil fauoured in-
stance) there is no trusting to the force of Nature ; nor
to the brauery of words ; except it be corroborate by
custome. His instance is, that for the atchieuing of a
desperate conspiracie a man should not rest vpon the
fiercenes of any mans nature, or his resolute vndertak-
ings, but take such a one as hath had his hand formerly
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 357
in blood. But Macciauel knew not of a Frier Clement^
nor a Rauillac^ nor a laurequy^ nor a Baltazar Grerard.^
Yet his rule holdeth still, that nature, nor the ingage-
ment of words are not so forcible as custome. Onelie
Superstition is now so well aduanced, that men of the
first blood, are as firme, as butchers bj occupation :
and votarie resolution is made equipollent to cus-
tome, euen in matter of blood. In other things the
predominancy of custome is euery where visible ; inso-
much as a man would wonder, to heare men professe,
protest, ingage, giue great words, and then doe iust, as
they haue done before : as if they were dead Images
& Engins moued only by the wheeles of custome.
Therefore since custome is the principal Magistrate of
mans life : let men by all meanes endeauour to obtaine
good customes. Certainly custome is most perfect
when it beginneth in young yeeres. This wee call
Education : which is nothing but an early custome.
For it is true that late learners cannot so well take the
plie ; except it be in some mindes, that haue not suffered
themselues to fixe, but haue kept themselues open and
prepared to receiue continuall amendment; which is
exceeding rare. But if the force of custome simple,
and separate be great ; the force of custom copulate
& conioind, and in troupe, is far greater. For thear
example teacheth ; companie comforteth ; aemulation
quickeneth ; glory raiseth ; so as in such places the
force of custome is in his exaltation. Certainelie the
great multiplication of vurtues upon humane nature,
resteth vpon societies well ordained, and disciplined.
For Common wealthes, and good gouemments, doe
nourish vertue grown, but doe not mende the seeds.
1 A blank is left for this name in the MS.
358 APPENDIX II.
But the miserie is, that the most effectual meanes are
now appUed to the ends least to be desired.
28. Of Fortune.
It cannot bee denied, but outward accidents conduce
much to a Mans fortune. Fauour, Oportune death of
others ; occasion fitting vertue. But chiefelj the mould
of a Mans fortune is in himselfe. And the most fre-
quent of external causes is, that the folly of one man is
the fortune of another. For no man prospers so so-
denly, as by others errors. Serpens nisi serpentem co-
mederit non fit Draco. Ouert, and apparant vertues bring
foorth praise, but there bee hidden and secret vertues
that bring forth fortune. Certaine deliueries of a mans
selfe which haue no name. The Spanish word D&-
semboltura partlie expresseth them, when there be no
stonds nor restiuenesse in a mans nature. For so saith
Liuie well, after he had described Cato Maior in these
words. In illo vivo taniu rolur corporis ^ animi fait, vt
quocunq; loco natus esset fortuna sihi facturus videretur :
He falleth vpon that, that he had Versatile ingenium.
Therefore if a man looke sharpely and accentiuely, hee
shall see fortune ; for though shee be blinde, yet shee is
not inuisible. The way of fortune is like the milkeu
way in the skie, which is a meeting, or knot of a num-
ber of small starres ; not scene asunder, but giuing
light together. So are there a number of little and
scarse discerned vertues, or rather faculties and cus-
tomes, that make men fortunate. The Italians note some
of them, such as a man would little thinke ; when they
speake of one that cannot doe amisse, they will throw
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 359
in into his other c5ditions, that he hath Poco di matto}
And certainly, there bee not two more fortunate proper-
ties, then to haue a little of the foole, and not too much
of the honest. Therefore extreme loners of their Coun-
trey, or Masters, were never fortunate, neither can they
bee. For when a man placeth his thoughts without
himselfe, hee goeth not his owne way. An hasty for-
tune maketh an enterpriser and remouer ; (the French
hath it better Enterprenat^ or Remuanf) but the exer-
cised fortune maketh the able man. Fortune is to bee
honoured and respected, and it be but for her daughters.
Confidence and Reputation ; for those two felicity breed-
eth : the first, within a mans selfe ; the later, in others
towards him. All wise men to decline the Enuie of
their owne vertues, vse to ascribe them to prouidence,
and fortune. For so they may the better assume them.
And besides, it is greatnesse in a man to bee the care
of the higher powers.'-^ And it hath been noted, that
those that ascribe openly to much to their owne wis-
dome and policy, end infortunate. It is written, that
Timotheus the Athenian^ after hee had in the account
he gaue to the state of his gouernment, often inter-
laced this speach : And in this, fortune had no part ;
neuer prospered in any thing he vndertooke after-
wards.
1 This sentence stands thus in the MS. : " The Itah'ans have found out
one of them; Poco di matto, when they speak of one that cannot do araisse."
The word note in the text (which had been omitted in the printing) is in-
serted with a pen, in both my copies of this edition: evidently with the
same hand and ink, and both old. Whence I infer that Bacon, instead of
printing a list of errata, had the corrections made by hand before the copies
were issued.
2 The rest is not in the MS.
360
APPENDIX n.
29. Of Studies.
Studies serue for Delight, for Ornament, and for
Ability ; their cheife vse for delight,^ is, in priuatnesse,
and retiring ; for ornament, is in discourse, and for
abilitie, is in iudgement. For expert men can execute,
but learned men are fittest to iudge or censure. To
spend too much time in them, is Sloth ; to vse them too
much for ornament, is affectation ; to make iudgement
wholly by their rules, is the humour of a Scholer,
They perfect Nature^ and are perfected by Experience.
Crafty men contemne them, simple men admire them,
and wise men vse them. For they teach not their owne
vse, but that is a wisdome without them, and aboue
them, wonne by obseruation. Read not to contradict,
nor to beleeue, but to weigh and consider. Some
bookes are to bee tasted, others to bee swallowed, and
some few to be chewed and digested. That is, some
bookes are to be read only in parts ; other to bee read,
but not curiously ; and some few to bee read wholly,
and with diligence and attention. Reading maketh a
full man. Conference a ready man, and writing an ex-
act man. And therefore if a man write little, hee had
neede haue a great memory ; if he confer little, hee
had neede haue a present wit, and if he read little, hee
had neede haue much cunning, to seeme to know that
hee doth not. Histories make men wise. Poets wittie,
the Mathematiches subtill, Naturall Philosophie deepe,
Morall graue, Logicke and Rethoricke able to contend.^
Aheunt studia in mores. Nay, thear is no stond or im-
1 The MS. has " Studies serve for Pastymes, for ornaments, and for abilli-
tyes: Theire cheife use for pastyme, is " &c.
2 In the MS. this Essay ends here.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 361
pediment in the wit, but may be wrought out by fit
studies : like as diseases of the body may haue appro-
priate exercises. Bowhng is good for the Stone and
Raines ; Shooting for the longs & breast ; gentle walk-
ing for the stomacke; riding for the head: and the
like. So if a mans wit be wandring, let him study the
Matliematiks ; if his wit be not apt to distinguish, or
find difference, let him study the Schoolemen ; if it bee
not apt to beat ouer matters and to find out resem-
blances, let him study Lawyers cases. So euerie de-
fect of the mind may haue a speciall receit.
30. Of Ceremonies and Kespects.
Hee that is onely reall, had need haue exceeding
great parts of vertue : as the stone had neede to be rich
that is set without foile. But commonly it is in praise,
as it is in gaine : For as the prouerbe is true, T}iat light
gainer make Tieauie purses^ because they come thicke,
whereas great come, but now and then : so it is true,
that small matters winne great commendation, because
they are continually in vse, and in note. Whereas the
occasion of any great vertue, commeth but on holie
daise. To attaine good formes, it sufiiceth not to de-
spise them : for so shall a man obserue them in others :
And let him trust himself with the rest. For if he care
to expresse them, hee shall lose their grace, which is to
be naturall and vnaffected. Some mens behauiour is
like a verse wherein euery sillable is measured ; how
can a man comprehend great matters, that breaketh his
mind to much to small obseruation ? Not to vse Cere-
monies at al, is to teach others not to vse them againe ;
862 APPENDIX II.
& SO diminisheth respect : especially they bee not to be
omitted to strangers, & formall natures. Amongst a
mans Peeres, a man shall be sure of familiarity ; and
therefore it is good a little to keep state : amongst a
mans inferiours one shal be sure of Reuerence ; and
therefore it is good a little to bee familiar. Hee that is
too much in any thing, so that hee giueth another occa-
sion of satietie, maketh himself cheap. To apply ones
selfe to others is good ; so it be with demonstration that
a man doth it vpon regard, and not vpon facility. It is
a good precept, generally in seconding another, yet to
adde somewhat of ones owne ; as if you will grant his
opinion, let it be with some distinction ; if you will fol-
low his motion ; let it be with condition ; if you allow
his counsell, let it be with alleging further reason.^
Men had neede beware how they be too perfit in com-
plements. For be they neuer so sufficient otherwise,
their enuiers will bee sure to giue them that attribute
to the disaduantage of their greater vertue. It is losse
also in businesse to be too full of respects, or to be to
curious in obseruing times and oportunities. Salomon
saith He that considereth the wind shall not sowe, and
hee that looketh to the clowdes, shall not reape. A wise
man will make more opportunities than he findes.
31. Of Sutors.
Manie ill matters are vndertaken, & many good
matters with ill mindes. Some embrace suits which
neuer meane to deale effectually in them, but if they
see there may be life in the matter by some other
1 The Essay ends here in the MS.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 363
meane, they will be content to winne a thanke, or
take a second reward, or at least to make vse in the
meane time of the Sutors hopes.^ Some take hold of
suits only for an occasion to crosse some other, or to
make an Information whereof they could not other-
wise haue apt pretext, without care what become of
the suite when that turne is serued. Nay, some vn-
dertake suits with a full purpose to let them fall, to
the end to gratifie the aduerse party or competitor.
Surely there is in sort a right in euery suit ; either
a right of equity, if it be a suit of controuersie or a
right of desart, if it be a suit of petition. If affec-
tion leade a man to fauour the wrong side in iustice,
let him rather vse his countenance to compound the
matter then to carry it. If affectio leade a man to
fauor the lesse worthy in desart, let him doe it with-
out deprauing or disabling the better deseruer. In
suits a man doth not wel vnderstand, it is good to
referre them to some friend of trust and iudgement,
that may report whether hee may deale in them
with honour. Sutors are so distasted with delaies
and abuses, that plaine dealing in denying to deale
in suits at first, and reporting the successe barely,
and in challenging no more thankes then one hath
deserued, is growne not onlie honourable, but also
gracious. In suits of fauour, the first comming ought
to take little place : so farre forth consideration may
be had of his trust, that if intelligence of the mat-
ter could not otherwise haue been had, but by him,
aduantage be not taken of the note, but the party left
to his other meanes.^ To be ignorant of the value
1 The words " or at least .... hopes " are not in the MS.
2 The last clause is not in the MS.
364 APPENDIX II.
of a suit is simplicity, as well as to bee ignorant of
the right therof, is want of conscience. Secresie in
suites is a great meane of obtaining ; For voicing
them to bee in forwardnesse, may discourage some
kind of suitors, but doth quicken and awake others.
But timing of the suits is the principall. Timing I
say not onely in respect of the person that should
grant it, but in respect of those which are like to
crosse it.^ Let a man in the choise of his meane,
rather chuse the fittest meane then the greatest meane,
and rather them that deale in certaine things then
those that are generall. The reparation of a deniall
is sometimes equall to the first grant, if a man shew
himselfe neither deiected, nor discontented. Iniquum
petas vt cequum feras, is a good rule where a man hath
strength of fauour ; but otherwise a man were better
rise in his suit; for hee that would haue ventured at
first to haue lost the sutor, will not in the conclusion
lose both the sutor and his owne former fauor. Noth-
ing is thought so easie a request to a great person as
his Letter ; and yet if it be not in a good cause, it is
so much out of his reputation.
32. Of Follov^ers and friends.
Costly followers are not to bee liked, lest while
a man maketh his train e longer, he make his wings
shorter. I reckon to bee costly, not them alone which
charge the purse, but which are wearisome and impor-
tune in suits. Ordinarie followers ought to challenge
no higher conditions then countenance, recommenda-
1 What follows, down to " fonner favor," is not in the MS.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 365
tion, and protection from wrongs. Factious followers
are worse to bee liked, which follow not vpon affection
to him with whom tjiey range themselues, but vpon
discontentment conceiued against some other. Wher-
upon commonly ensue th, that ill intelligence, that wee
many times see beetweene great personages. Like-
wise glorious followers are full of inconueniency ; for
they teint businesse through want of secrecy, and
they export honor from a man and make him a re-
turne in enuy.^ The following by certaine States,
answerable to that which a great person himselfe
professeth, as of Souldiers to him that hath beene
imploid in the warres, and the like, hath euer beene
a thing ciuill, and well taken euen in Monarchies so it
be without too much pompe or popularity. But the
most honourable kind of following, is to be followed,
as one that apprehendeth to aduance vertue and desart
in all sort of persons. And yet where there is no em-
inent oddes in sufficiency, it is better to take with the
more passable, then with the more able. In gouem-
ment it is good to vse men of one rancke equally:
For to countenance some extraordinarily, is to make
them insolent, and the rest discontent ; because they
may claime a due. But in fauour to vse men with
much difference and election, is good ; For it maketh
the persons preferred more thankfull, and the rest
more officious; because all is of favour. It is good
not to make to much of any man at the first, be-
cause one cannot hold out that proportion. To bee
gouerned by one is not good, and to bee distracted
with many, is worse ; but to take aduise of some few
friends, is euer honourable. For lookers on^ many times
1 This sentence is not in the MS.
366 APPENDIX II.
see more then gamesters^ and the vale best discouereth
the hill. There is little friendship in the world, and
least of all between equals, which was wont to bee
magnified. That that is, is betweene Superiour and
Inferiour^ whose fortunes may comprehend the one
the other.
33. Of Negociating.
It is generallie better to deale by speach, then by
letter, and by the mediation of a third, then by a mans
selfe. Letters are good when a man would draw an
answer by letter backe againe, or when it may serue
for a mans iustification afterwards to produce his owne
letter, or where it may bee danger to bee interrupted
or heard by peeces.^ To deale in person is good when
a mans face breeds regard, as commonly with inferi-
ours, or in tender cases where a mans eie vpon the
countenance of him with whom one speaketh, may
giue him a direction how farre to goe, and generally
where a man will reserue to himselfe libertie either
to disaduowe or to expound. In choise of instruments
it is better to choose men of a plainer sort, that are
like to doe that, that is committed to them, and to
report backe againe faithfully the successe, then those
that are cunning to cotriue out of other mens busines,
somewhat to grace themselues, and will helpe the mat-
ter in report for satisfaction sake. It is better to sound
a person with whom one deales a farre off, then to fall
vpon the point at first, except you meane to supprise
liim by some short question. It is better dealing with
men in appetite, then with those which are where they
1 The last clause is not in the MS.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 367
would bee. If a man deale with an other vpon con-
ditions, the start or first performance is all, which a
man cannot reasonably demand, except either the na-
ture of the thing be such which must goe before, or
else a man can perswade the other party, that hee
shall still neede him in some other thing, or else
that he be counted the honester man. All practise
is to discouer or to worke. Men discouer themselues
in trust, in passion, at vnawares, and of necessity,
when they would haue somewhat done, and cannot
finde an apt pretext. If you would worke any man,
you must either know his nature, and fashions, and
so leade him, or his endes, and so perswade him ; or
his weaknes or disaduantages, and so awe him, or
those that haue interest in him, and so goueme them.
In dealing with cunning persons, we must euer con-
sider their endes to interpret their speeches ; and it
is good to say little to them, and that which they
least looke for.
34. Of Faction.
Many haue an opinion not wise ; That for a Prince
to gouerne his estate, or for a great person to gouerne
his proceedings, according to the respect of factions,
is the principall part of pollicy : whereas contrari-
wise, the chiefest w^isdome is either in ordering those
things which are generall, and wherein men of seuer-
all factions doe neuerthelesse agree, or in dealing with
correspondence to particuler persons, one by one. But
I say not, that the consideration of factions is to be
neglected. Meane men must adhere, but great men
that haue strength in themselues were better to main-
368 APPENDIX II.
taine themselues indifferent, and neutrall. Yet euen
in beginners to adhere so moderatly, as he be a man
of the one faction, which is passablest with the other,
commonly giueth best way. The lower and weaker
faction is the firmer in coniunction. When one of
the factions is extinguished, the remaining subdiuid-
eth : which is good for a second. It is comonly
scene, that men once placed, take in with the con-
trary factio to that, by which they enter. The Traitor
in factions lightly goeth away with it : for when mat-
ters haue stucke long in balancing, the winning of
some one man casteth them and he getteth all the
thankes.^ The euen carriage betweene two factions,
proceedeth not alwaies of moderation, but of a true-
nesse to a mans selfe, with end to make vse of both.
Certainely in Italie they hold it a little suspect in
Popes, when they haue often in their mouth Padre
Oommune^ & take it to a signe of one that meaneth
to referre all to the greatnesse of his own house.
35. Of Praise.
Praise is the reflection of vertue : but it is as the
glasse, or bodie is, which giueth the reflection. If it
be from the common people, it is commonly false and
naught ; and rather followeth vaine persons, then ver-
tuous: for the common people vnderstand not many
excellent vertues : the lowest vertues draw praise from
them, the middle vertues worke in them astonishment,
or admiration ; but of the highest vertues they haue no
sense or perceiuing at all. But shewes, and Species
1 The Essay ends here in the MS.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 369
virtutihus similes, serue best with them. Certainly,
Fame is like a Riuer that beareth vp things light, and
swolne ; and drownes things waighty and solid : But if
persons of quality & iudgement concur, then it is as the
Scripture saith, Nbmen honum instar vnguenti fragran-
tis ; It filleth all round about, and will not easily away.
For the odors of ointments are more durable than those
of flowers. There bee so many false pointes of praise,
that a man may iustly hold it suspect. Some praises
proceeds meerely of flattery : and if he bee an ordinary
flatterer, hee will haue certaine common attributes,
which may serue euery man : if he bee a cunning flat-
terer hee will follow the Archflatterer, which is a mans
selfe, & wherein a man thinketh best of himselfe, there-
in the flatterer will vphold him most : But if hee bee
an impudent flatterer, looke wherein a man is conscient
to himselfe, that he is most defectiue, and is most out
of countenance in himselfe, that wil the flatterer enti-
tle him to perforce ; Spreta conscientid. Some praises
come of good wishes and respects, which is a forme due
in ciuility to Kings and great persons, Laudando prce-
cipere ; when by telling men what they are, they rep-
resent to them what they should bee. Some men are
praised maliciously to their hurt, thereby to stirre enuie
and ielousie towards them ; Pessimum genus inimico-
rum laudantium. Certainly moderate praise vsed with
oportunity, and not vulgar, but appropriate, is that
which doth the good. Salomon saith, Hee that prais-
eth his friend aloud, rising early, it shall hee to him no
better than a curse. Too much magnifying of man or
matter, doth irritate contradiction, and procure enuie
and scorne.
VOL. XII. 24
370 APPENDIX II.
36. Of Iudicature.
IvDGES ought to remeber that their office is Iub dir-
cere, and not Jus dare ; to interprete law, and not to
make law, or giue Law ; Else will it be like the pre-
sumption of the Church of Home, which vnder pretext
of exposition of Scripture, vsurpeth and practiseth an
authority to adde and alter ; and to pronounce that
which they doe not finde, and by colour of Antiquity
to introduce nouelty. ludges ought to be more learned
then wittie; more reuerend then plausible, & more
aduised then confident. Aboue all things integrity is
their portion and proper vertue. Cursed (saith the
Law) is hee that remooueth the Land-marhe. The mis-
laier of a Meerestone is too blame. But it is the vniust
ludge that is the capitall remoouer of Land-markes,
when hee defineth amisse of lands and property. One
foule sentence doth more hurt, then many foule exam-
ples ; for they doe but corrupt the streame ; the other
corrupteth the fountaine. So saith Salomon ; Fans tur-
hatus Sj' vena corrupta est iustus cadens in causd sud co-
ram adversario ; The office of ludges may haue refer-
ence vnto the parties that sue ; vnto the Aduocates that
pleade ; vnto the Clerkes and Ministers of Justice vn-
derneth them ; and to the Soueraigne or State aboue
them.
There he (saith the Scripture) that turne iudgement
into wormewood ; and surehe there be also that turne it
into vinegar: For injustice maketh it bitter, and de-
laies make it sowre. The principall duty of a ludge,
is to suppresse force and fraude ; whereof force is the
more pernitious, the more open ; and fraud the more
close and disguised. Adde thereto contentious suites.
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 371
which ought to be spewed out as the surfet of Courts.
A ludge ought to prepare his way to a iust sentence, as
God vseth to prepare his way, by raising valleis and
taking downe hils : So when their appeareth on either
side an high hand, violent prosecution, cunning aduan-
tages taken, combination, power, great counsell, then is
the vertue of a ludge scene, to make inequahty equall;
that he may plant his iudgement as vpon an euen
ground. Qui fortiter emungit, elicit sanguinem; And
where the winepresse is hard wrought, it yeelds a harsh
wine that tastes of the grapestone. ludges must be-
ware of hard constructions and strained inferences; for
there is no worse torture then the torture of lawes :
specially in case of Lawes penall ; they ought to haue
care that that which was meant for terrour, be not
turned into rigour ; and that they bring not vpon the
people that shower whereof the Scripture speaketh ;
Pluet swper eos laqueos : For penall lawes pressed, are
a showre of snares vpon the people. In causes of life
and death, ludges ought as farre (as the law permit-
teth) in iustice to remember mercy ; and to cast a
seuere eie vpon the example, but a mercifull eie vpon
the person.
Patience and grauity of hearing is an essentiall part
of iustice, and an ouerspeaking ludge is no well tuned
Cymball. It is no grace to a ludge, first to finde that
which hee might haue heard in due time from the Barre ;
or to shew quickenesse of conceit in cutting of counsell
or euidence too short ; or to preuent information by
questions, though pertinent. The partes of a ludge are
foure ; to direct the euidence ; to moderate length, repe-
tition, or impertinency of speech ; to recapitulate, select,
and collate the materiall points of that which hath beene
372
APPENDI]
said ; and to giue the rule or sentence. Whatsoeuer is
aboue these, is too much ; and proceedeth either of glory
and willingnesse to speake, or of impatience to heare, or
of shortnesse of memory, or of want of a staid & equall
attention. It is a strange thing to see, that the bold-
nesse of Aduocates should preuaile with Judges ; where-
as they should imitate God, in whose seate they sit, who
represseth the presumptuous, and giueth grace to the
modest. But it is more strange, that the custome of
the time doth warrant Judges to haue noted fauourites,
which canot but cause multiplication of fees, & suspi-
tion of by-waies. There is due from the ludge to the
Aduocate, some commendation and gracing, where
causes are well handled & faire pleaded ; speciallie
towards the side which obtaineth not; For that vp-
holds in the Client the reputation of his counsel, and
beats down in him the conceit of his cause. There is
likewise due to the publike a ciuill reprehension of Ad-
uocates, where there appeareth cunning counsell, grosse
neglect, slight information, indiscreet pressing, or an
ouerbold defence.
The place of lustice is an hallowed place ; and there-
fore not onely the bench, but the footepace and pre-
cincts and purprise thereof ought to bee preserued with-
out scandall and corruption. For certainely G-rapes
(as the Scripture saith) will not he gathered of thornes
or thistles; neither can lustice yeeld her fruit with
sweetnesse, amongst the briers & brambles of catching
and poling Clearkes and Ministers. The attendance
of Courts is subject to foure bad instruments ; First,
certaine persons that are sowers of suits, which make
the Court swel, and the Countrey pine. The second
sort is of those that ingage Courts in quarrels of luris-
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 373
diction, and are not truly, Amici Ourice, but Parasiti
Curice, in puffing a Court vp beyond her bounds for
their own scrappes and aduantage. The third sort is
of those that may bee accounted the left hands of
Courts, persons that are full of nimble and sinister
trickes and shiftes, whereby they peruert the plaine and
direct courses of Courts, and bring iustice into oblike
lines and labirinthes. And the fourth is the Poler and
exacter of fees, which iustifies the common resemblance
of the Courts of Iustice, to the bush, wherunto while
the sheepe flies for defence in weather, hee is sure to
lose part of his fleece. On the other side an ancient
Clearke, skilfull in presidents, wary in proceeding, and
vnderstanding in the businesse of the Court, is an ex-
cellent finger of a Court ; and doth many times point
the way to the ludge himselfe.
Lastly, ludges ought aboue al to remember the con-
clusion of the Roman twelue Tables ; Solus populi su-
prema lex, and to know that Lawes, except they bee in
order to that ende are but things captious, and Oracles
not well inspired. Therefore it is an happy thing in a
State, when Kings and States doe often consult with
ludges ; and againe, when ludges doe often consult
with the King and State : the one, when there is mat-
ter of Law interuenient in businesse of State; the
other, when there is some consideration of State in-
teruenient in matter of Lawe. For many times the
thing deduced to Judgement, may be meu ^ tuum,
when the reason and consequence thereof may trench
to point of estate ; I call matter of estate not only the
parts of Soueraignty, but whatsoeuer introduceth any
great alteration or dangerous president or concerneth
manifestly any great portion of people. And let no
374 APPENDIX II.
man weakely conceiue that iust lawes, and true pollicy,
haue any antipathy. For they are like the spirits, and
sinewes that one moues within the other. Neither
ought Judges to be so ignorant of their owne right, as
to thinke there is not left to them as a principall part
of their office, a wise use and application of Lawes.
For they may remember what the Apostle saith of a
greater Law then theirs, Nos seimus quia lex bona est,
modo quis ed vtatur legitime.
37. Of Vaine-glory.
It was pretily deuised of JEsop, The Flies ate vpmi
the Axletree of the Chariot wheele, and said. What a
dust doe I raise 9 So are there some vaine persons,
that whatsoeuer goeth alone, or moues vpon greater
meanes, they thinke it is they that carry it. They
that are glorious must needs be factious ; for all brauery
stands vpon comparisons. They must needes be vio-
lent, to make good their owne vaunts. Neither can
they bee secret, and therefore not effectuall ; but accord-
ing to the French proverb, Beaucoup de bruit ^ peu de
fruit, Much bruit, little fruit. Yet certainely there is
vse of this quality in ciuill affaires. Where there is an
opinion and fame to bee created, either of Vertue or
Cfreatnesse : these men are good Trumpeters. Again,
as Titus Liuius noteth in the case of Antiochus and the
uFjtolians, There are sometimes greate effects of crosse
lies ; as if a man that should interpose himselfe to nego-
tiate between two, should to either of them seuerally
pretend, more interest than he hath in the other. And
in this and the like kind, it often fals out, that somewhat
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 375
is produced of nothing. For lies are sufficiet to breed
opinion, and opinion brings on substance. But princi-
pally in cases of great enterprise, vpon charge and ad-
uenture such composition of glorious natures doth put
life into busines, and those that are of solid and sober
natures haue more of the ballast, then of the saile.
Certainely Vaine-glory helpeth to perpetuate a mans
memory, and Vertue was neuer so beholding to humane
nature, as it receiued his due at the second hand.
Neither had the fame of Cicero^ Seneca^ Plinius Se-
eundus, borne her age so well, if it had not beene ioin-
ed with some vanity in themselues ; like vnto varnish,
that makes seelings not onely shine, but last. But all
this while, when I speake of Vaine-glory^ I meane not
of that property that Tacitus doth attribute to Mm-
cianus, Omnium quce dixerat feceratque arte quadam
ostentator : For that proceeds not of vanity, but of a
natural magnanimity and discretion ; and in some
persons is not onely comely, but gracious. For excu-
sations, cessions, modesty it selfe well gouerned are but
arts of ostentation : and amongst those Arts there is
none better, then that which Plinius Secundus speak-
eth of, which is to be liberall of praise & comendation
to others, in that wherein a mans selfe hath any perfec-
tion. For saith Plinie very wittily ; In commending
another^ you do your selfe right ; for hee that you com-
mend^ is either superiour to you in that you commend or
inferiour. If he he inferiour if he be to he commended ;
you much more; if he he superiour if hee he not to he
commended; you much lease.
376
APPENDIX II.
38. Or THE GREATNESSE OF KiNGDOMES.
The speech of Themistodes, which was arrogant in
challenge, is profitable in censure. Desired at a ban-
quet to touch a Lute, hee said, ITee could not fiddle ;
but he could make a small Towne to become a great Citie.
This speech at a time of solace, and not serious, was
vnciuill, and at no time could be decent of a mans
selfe. But it may haue a pretie application ; For to
speake truly of politikes & Statesmen, there are some-
times, though rarely, those that can make a small
estate great, and cannot fiddell. And there bee many
that can fiddell very cunningly, and yet the procedure
of their Art is to make a flourishing estate ruinous &
distressed. For certainly those degenerate Arts, where-
by diuers politikes and Gouernors doe gaine both sat-
isfactio with their Masters, and admiration with the
vulgar, deserue no better name than fidling; if they
adde nothing to the safetie, strength, and amplitude of
the States they gouerne. The greatnes of a State in
bulke or territory, doth fall vnder measure ; & the
greatnes of finances & reuenew, doth fall vnder com-
putation : the population may appeare by Musters, and
the number of Cities & Towns by Carts and Mappes :
but yet there is nothing among ciuill affaires more sub-
iect to error, then the right valuacion and true iudge-
ment cocerning the greatnes of an estate. Certainly
there is a kind of resemblance betweene the Kingdome
of heauen, and the Kingdomes vpon the earth. The
Kingdome of heauen is compared not to any great
kernell, or nut ; but to a graine of Musterd ; which is
one of the least of graines, but hath in it a propertie
and spirit hastily to get vp & spread. So are there
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 377
States that are great in Territory, and yet not apt to
conquer or inlarge : and others that haue but a small
dimention or stemme, and yet apt to be the founda-
tio of great Monarchies. Walled Townes, stored Ar-
cenals and Armories, goodly Stables, Elephants, (if
you wil) Masse of treasure. Number in Armies, Or-
dinance, and Artillerie, they are all but a Sheep in
a Lions skin, except the breed and disposition of
the people be militarie.^ The helpe is mercenary
aides. But a Prince or State that resteth vpon waged
Companies of forraine Armes, and not of his owne
Natiues, may spread his feathers for a time, but he will
mew them soone after. The blessino; of ludah and
Issachar will neuer meet, to be both the Lions whelpe,
and the Asse laid betweene burthens : Neither will a
people ouercharged with tributes, bee euer fit for Em-
pire. Nobilitie & Gentlemen multiplying in too great
a proportion, maketh the common subiect grow to bee
a pesant and base swaine driuen out of heart, and but
the Gentlemans laborer : like as it is in copices, where
if you leaue your staddels too thick, you shall neuer
haue cleane vnderwood, but shrubbes and bushes. And
take away the middle people, & you take away the
infantery, which is the nerue of an Armie : and you
bring it to this, that not the hundreth pole will be fit
for a helmet, and so great population and little strength.
Certainely Virgil coupled Armes and the plough to-
gether well in the constitution of ancient Itali/ ;
Terra potens armis atq ; vbere glebm.
For it is the Plough that yeeldeth the best soldier;
1 So in the original ; and compare p. 381. fourth line from the bottom :
whence it appears that I was wrong in stating (vol. xi. p. 45. note 2) that
Bacon always wrote either militar or militare.
378 APPENDIX II.
but how ? maintained in plentie and in the hand of
owners, and not of meere laborers. Sedentary and
within-doores Arts, and nice manufactures, that require
rather the finger than the hand or arme, haue in their
nature a contrariety to a disposition mihtar : and gen^
erally, all warlike people are a little idle, and loue dan-
ger better than pain : neither must they be too much
broken of it, if they shall be preserued in vigor. No
body can be healthfull without exercise, neither naturall
body, nor politike ; & to the politike body of a King-
dome or estate, a ciuill warre is as the heate of a feuer :
but an honourable forraine warre is like the heate of
exercise. At least, discoueries, nauigations, honour-
able succours of other States may keepe health : For in
a slothfull peace, both courages will effeminate, and
manners corrupt. States liberall of naturalization, are
capable of greatnesse ; and the iealous states that rest
vpon the first tribe & stirpe, quickly want body to
Carrie the boughes and branches. Many are the ingre-
dients into the receit of greatnesse. No man can by
care taking adde a cubit to his stature, in the little
modell of a mans body. But certainly in the great
frame of Kingdomes and Commonwealths, it is in the
power of Princes or Estates by ordinances
and constitutions, and maners which
they may introduce, to sowe great-
ness to their posteritie and
succession. But these
things are commonly
left to chance.
FINIS.
Op Seditions and Troubles.^
Sheapards of people had neede knowe the Kalen-
ders of Tempests in State ; which are commonlye
greatest when things growe to equalitie ; as naturall
Tempests are greatest about the cequinoctia. And as
there are certaine hollowe blasts and secrett swellings
of Seas before Tempests, so are there in States.
ccecos instare tumultus
Scepe monet,fraudesque, et operta tumescere bella.
Certainly, libells and licentious discourses are
amongst the signes of troubles. Virgile giveinge the
pedegree of fame, saieth shee was sister to the Gyants.
Illam terra parens ira irritata deorum
Extremam utperhibent Caeo Enceladoque sororem
Progenuit.
As if fames and rumors were the reliques of seditions
past ; but they are no lesse the praeludes of Seditions
to come. But he notes it right, that seditious tumults,
and seditious fames, differ noe more, but as masculine
and fseminine. Also that kind of obedience (which
Tacitus describeth in an Army) is to be held sus-
pected ; Erant in officio^ sed tamen qui mallent mandata
Imperantium interpretari, qumn exequi. When mandats
fall to be disputed and distinguished, and new sences
given to them, it is the first Essay of disobeying. Also
as Machavvell well notes, when Princes that ought to
bee common fathers make themselves as a partie, and
1 Had. MS. 5106.
380 APPENDIX II.
leane to a side in the Estate, it is as a boate that tilts
aside before it overthrowes. Also when discordes, and
quarrells, and factions are carryed openly and auda-
ciously, it is a signe the reverence of governement is lost.
And reverence is that wherewith Princes are girt from
God, who threatneth the dissolving thereof, as one of
his great judgements : Solvam cingula regum. So when
anie of the fower pillars of governement are mainely
shakened, or weakened, which are Religion, Justice,
Councell, and Treasure, men had neede to pray for
faier weather. But let us leave the part of predictions,
and speake of the materialls, and the causes, and the
remedyes. The matter of seditions is of two kindes ;
much poverty e and much discontent. Certainely, so
manie overthrowne estates, so manie votes for troubles.
Lucan noteth well the state of the tymes before the
civill warre :
Hinc usura vorax, rapidumque in tempore foenus,
nine concussa fides, et muUis utile helium.
This same Multis utile helium is an assured and infal-
lible signe of a State disposed to troubles and seditions.
For discontents, they are the verie humors in the pol-
itique body apt to gather a praeternatural heate and
to inflame. And let not Princes measure the danger
of them by this whether they are just or unjust ; for
that were to imagine people to reasonable ; nor yet
by this, whether the greifes whereupon they arrise be
in true proportion great, or smale ; for they are the
most dangerous kindes of discontents where the feare
is greater then the feeling. The causes and motives
of Sedition, are Religion, Taxes, alterations of Lawes
and Customes, breakeing priviledges, generall oppres-
EARLY EDITIONS OF THE ESSAYS. 381
sion, Advauncement of unworthie persons, Straungers,
Dearthes, and whatsoever in offending people joyneth
them in a common cause. For the remedyes, there
maie be some generall preservatives ; the cure must
aunsweare to the particuler disease. To give moderate
Hbertye for greifes to evaporate, so it be without bra-
very or importunrtye, is a safe way ; for hee that tourn-
eth the humours or makes the wound bleede inwardes
endaungereth mahgne ulcers and pernicious impostu-
mations. Also the part of Epimetheus may become
Prometheus in this case. Hee when greifes and evills
flewe abroade yet kept hope in the bottome of the ves-
sell. The politike and artificiall nourishing of some
degree of hopes, is one of the best antidotes against the
poyson of discontents ; and it is a certaine signe of a
wise governement if it can hold by hope where it can-
nott by satisfaction. Also the foresight and prevention,
that there be noe likely or fitt head whereunto discon-
tents may resort, and under whom they maie joyne, is
a knowne but an excellent pointe of caution. I un-
derstand a fitt head to be one that hath greatnesse and
reputation, that hath confidence with the discontented
partie, and upon whom they tourne theire eyes, and
that is thought discontent in his particular. Also
the deviding and breaking of anie combination that
is adverse to the State is none of the worst remedies.
For it is a desperate case if the true parte of the State
be full of discord and faction, and the false, entyer and
unyted. Lastlie lett Princes against all events not be
without some great person of militarye valew neare
unto them, for the repressing of seditions in theire be-
ginnings. For without that, there useth to be more
trepidation in Courts upon the breaking out of troubles
382
APPENDIX II.
then were fitt, and the State runneth the daunger of
that which Tacitus saieth ; Atque is habitus animorum
fait ut pessimum f acinus auderent pauci, plures vellent,
omnes pater entur. But lett such one be an assured one
and not popular, and holding good correspondence with
the gowne men ; or els the remedy is worse then the
disease.
III.
Essays attributed to Bacon without authority.
At the end of the Besuscitatio (published in 1657)
Dr. Rawley gives what he entitles "A perfect list of
his Lordship's true works both in English and Latin ; "
which he concludes with these words : " as for other
pamphlets, whereof there are several, put forth under
his Lordship's name, they are not to be owned for
his."
Any work therefore (not contained in this list)
which had appeared before 1657 in any publication
which Dr. Rawley knew of, and had been there as-
cribed to Bacon, must be regarded as distinctly denied
by him to be Bacon's.
Now in December 1642, in which year several of
Bacon's smaller political pieces were published in sep-
arate pamphlets without any editor's name or any
account of the source from which they were taken,
there appeared among others a 4to of eight pages with
the following title: An Essay of a King, with an ex-
planation what manner of persons those should he that
are to execute the power or ordinance of the King^s Pre-
rogative. Written hy the Bight Honourable Francis,
Lord Verulam Viscount Saint Alban. December 2.
London, Printed for Richard Best, 1642.
APPENDIX III.
In 1648 appeared a 4to volume of 103 pages, en-
titled The Remaines of the Right Honorable Francis^
Lord Verulam, Viscount of St. Albanes, sometimes LorS
Chancellour of England; being Essay es and sever all
letters to severall great Personages^ and other pieces of
various high concernment not heretofore published. A\
table whereof for the reader^ more ease is adjoyned.
London^ printed by B. Alsop for Laurence ChapmarA
and are to be sold at his shop neer the Savoy in thel
Strand, 1648.
Most of the pieces in the volume are genuine, and
were afterwards published by Rawlej from the origi-
nals. And it is probably to this collection that he
alludes, when he alleges as a reason for publishing
some things which Bacon himself did not design foi
publication, that " through the loose keeping of hia
Lordship's papers whilst he lived, divers surreptitious
copies have been taken ; which have since employed^
the press with sundry corrupt and mangled editions ;
whereby nothing hath been more difficult than to find
the Lord Saint Alban in the Lord Saint Alban ; an(
which have presented (some of them) rather a fardle
of nonsense, than any true expression of his Lordship's
happy vein ; " and that therefore he " thought himself
in a sort tied to vindicate those injuries and wrongs
done to his Lordship's pen ; and at' once, by setting
forth the true and genuine writings themselves, to pre-
vent the like invasions for the time to come." But
whatever the publications may have been to which he
alluded, it is hardly conceivable that the existence of
this volume was unknown to him ; and we must there-
fore regard all those pieces which it contains, and
which are not directly or by implication contained in
SPURIOUS ESSAYS. 385
his own " perfect list," as included in his general repu-
diation. It does not, indeed, follow that none of them
are genuine ; because Rawley may have been mistaken ;
but that every such piece was in Ms opinion spurious,
can hardly be disputed: and he had such very good
means of judging, that his opinion is not to be set aside
except upon very strong evidence.
Now the two first pieces in the " Remains " are the
contents of the pamphlet of which I have quoted the
title. Standing where they do, they could not have
been overlooked : yet neither of them is to be found in
any of the publications cited in Rawley 's " perfect list."
The inevitable inference is, that Rawley did not believe
them to be the work of Bacon ; and certainly in this
case there is no evidence internal or external which
can justify us in overruling his judgment. The Es-
say of a King^ does indeed contain several sentences
which are much in Bacon's manner, and which might
have been written by him. But the total composition
does not read like his ; and even if the external evi-
dences had been equally balanced (which is by no means
the case; for the fact that somebody thought it was
Bacon's cannot be taken as a counterpoise to the fact
that Raivley thought it was not), I should myself have
been inclined, upon consideration of the internal evi-
dence alone, to reject it.
The other piece is still less like Bacon's work. Mr.
Heath, finding it printed among his writings, and know-
ing nothing of its history, was at once led to doubt its
genuineness, from a consideration of the matter and
opinions as well as the style. Had I thought its pre-
tensions more reasonable, I should have reserved it for
another place: for it has no affinity to the class of
VOL. XII. 25
386
APPENDIX III.
works with which we are at present dealing. But as
my only business with it is to discredit its pretensions
to be admitted among Bacon's works at all, I have
thought it better not to separate it from its companion,
but to print it here in connexion with the evidence on
which the question of its authenticity rests.
Passing over for the present a little piece entitled
SJiort Notes for Civil Conversation (the claims of which
to a place among Bacon's writings have other evidence
to support them, and will be explained hereafter), we
come next to a very remarkable composition — An
JEssay on Death. This stands fourth in the volume,
and being also too conspicuous to have been overlooked,
must be regarded as disclaimed by Dr. Rawley. I do^
not know whether it had been printed before. It \%\
an eloquent and touching composition, very peculiar in-
style, and marked with a " humorous sadness " which
reminds me of nobody so much as Sir Thomas Browne.
Sir Thomas Browne was born in 1605, and therefore
there is nothing in the date to preclude the supposition
that he was the author of it. How far his never hav-
ing claimed it is to be taken as an objection, or what
other difficulties the supposition may involve, I am not
well enough acquainted with his biography to judge.
But whoever may have written it, I am fully convinced
that Bacon did not. Nothing is less probable than that
he would have written so grave a thing on so grave
a subject merely as an exercise in imitating another
man's style ; and the style is so unlike his own, that
if we suppose him the author of it we must suppose
no less. And the only reason we have for imputing it
to him is, that within twenty-four years after his death,
there was somebody or other who thought it was his ;
SPUEIOUS ESSAYS. 387
against which must be set the fact that Rawley thought
it was not.
Of two other pieces commonly printed among Bacon's
works, and ascribed to him solely, I believe, on the
authority of this same volume (to which nobody stands
sponsor), — the Letter of Advice to Sir Edward Coke on
occasion of his being removed from the Chief Justice-
ship, and a little tract entitled The Characters of a
believing Christian^ in Paradoxes and seeming Contra-
dictions^ — I will speak more fully when they come
before me in their proper places. That the letter to
Coke was written by Bacon, no one can believe who
knows what it is about ; but this will be most easily
explained in connexion with the events to which it
relates. And the pretensions of the Christian Para-
doxes to a place among Bacon's writings, resting as
they do entirely upon internal evidence of style, will
be best estimated upon comparison with his other writ-
ings on kindred subjects.
An Essay of a King,
Written by Sir Francis Bacon.
1. A King is a mortal God on Earth, unto whom
the living God hath lent his own name as a great hon-
our : But withal told him he should die like a man, lest
he should be proud and flatter himself, that God hath
with his name imparted unto him his nature also.
2. Of all kinds of men, God is least beholding unto
them, for he doth most for them, and they do ordina-
rily least for him.
3. A King that would not feele his Crown too heavy
APPENDIX III.
for him, must weare it every day, but if he think it too
light, he knoweth not of what mettall it is made of.
4. He must make Rehgion the Rule of government,
and not the Scale ; ^ for he that casteth in Religion
onely to make the scales even, his own weight is con-
tained in these Characters, Tehel uphrasin, he is found
too light, his Kingdom shall be taken from him.
5. And that King that holds not Religion the best
reason of state, is void of all piety and justice, the
Supporters of a King.
6. He must be able to give Counsell himself, but not
to relye thereupon ; for though happy events justifie
their Counsells, vet it is better that the evill event of
good advice be rather imputed to a Subject then a
Sovereigne.
7. He is the Fountain of Honour, which should not
run with a wast pipe, lest the Courtiers sell the waters,
and then (as papists say of their holy Wels) to lose the
vertue.
8. He is the life of the Law, not onely as he is lex
loquens himself, but because he animateth the dead let-
ter, making it active towards all his Subjects prcemio et
poena,
9. A wise King must doe lesse in altering his Laws,
than he may ; for new government is ever dangerous,
it being true in the body politique, as in the corporall,
that omnis suhita mutatio est periculosa, and though it be
for the better, yet it is not without a fearfull apprehen-
sion ; For he that changeth the fundamentall Laws
of a Kingdome, thinketh there is no good title to a
Crown but by conquest.
10. A King that setteth to sale Seats of Justice,
1 not to Ballance the Scale. Eemaim.
SPURIOUS ESSAYS. 389
oppresseth the People ; for lie teacheth his Judges to
sell justice, and pretio parata pretio venditur Justitia.
11. Bounty and Magnificence are vertues vere regioe^
but a prodigall King is neerer a Tyrant then a par^
cimonious : for store at home draweth his contempla-
tions abroad : but want supplieth itself of what is next,
and many times the next way, and herein he must be
wise, and know what he may justly doe.
12. That King which is not feared, is not loved, and
he that is well seen in his craft, must as well study to
be feared as loved, yet not loved for feare, but feared
for love.
13. Therefore as hee must alwayes resemble him
whose great name he beareth, and that in manifesting
the sweet influence of his mercy on the severe stroke of
his Justice sometimes, so in this not to suffer a man of
death to live, for besides that the Land doth mourn, the
restraint of the Justice towards sin doth more retard the
affection of love, than the extent of mercy doth inflame
it, and sure where love is bestowed,^ feare is quite lost.
14. His greatest Enemies are his Flatterers, for
though they ever speak on his side, yet their words
still make against him.^
15. The love which a King oweth to the weal-pub-
like, should not be restrained to any one particular, yet
that his more speciall favour do reflect upon some
worthy ones, is somwhat necessary, because there are
so few of that capacity.
16. Hee must have a speciall care of five things, if
hee would not have his Crown to be put upon him.^
1 So in the original, and in the Remains also.
2 So in the Remains. The original has " against them."
8 So in the original. The Remains gives " to be put on him In felix
felicitatis." Modern editions substitute, correctly perhaps, " to be but to
him infelixfelicitas.^^
First, that simulata sanetitas, be not in the Church,
for that is duplex iniquitas.
Secondly, that inutilis cequitas, sit not in the Chan-
cery, for that is inepta misericordia.
Thirdly, that utilis iniquitas^ keep not the Ex-
chequer, for that is crudele latrocinium.
Fourthly, that fidelis temeritas be not his Generall,
for that will bring but seram poenitentiam.
Fifthly, that infidelis prudentia, be not his Secretary,
for that he is Anguis sub viridi herha.
To conclude, as hee is of the greatest power, so hee
is subject to the greatest cares, made the servant of his
people, or else he were without a calling at all.
He then that honoureth him not, is next an Atheist,
wanting the feare of God in his heart.
An explanation what manner of persons those should he^
that are to execute the power or Ordinance of the Kings
Prerogative^ written by the said Sir Francis Bacon,
late Lord Chancellour^ and Lord St. Albans.
That absolute Prerogative according to the Kings
pleasure revealed by his Lawes, may be exercised and
executed by any Subject, to whom power may be
given by the King, in any place of Judgement or
Commission, which the King by his Law hath or-
dained, in which the Judge-subordinate cannot wrong
the people, the Law laying downe a measure by which
every Judge should governe or execute ; Against which
Law if any Judge proceed, he is by the Law question-
able and punishable for his transgression.
In this nature are all the Judges and Commission-
SPURIOUS ESSAYS. 391
ers of the Land no otherwise then in their Courts,
in which the King in person is supposed to sit, who
cannot make^ that trespasse. Felony or treason which
the Law hath not made so to be, neither can punish
the guilty by other punishment then the Law hath
appointed.
This Prerogative or power as it is over all the Sub-
jects, so being knowne by the Subjects, they are with-
out excuse if they offend ; and suffer no wrong, if they
be punished. And by this prerogative the King gov-
erneth all sorts of people according unto knowne will.
The absolute prerogative which is in Kings accord-
ing to their private will and judgement cannot be exe-
cuted by any Subject, neither is it possible to give such
power by Commission, or fit to subject the people to
the same. For the King in that he is the substitute of
God, immediatly the Father of his people, and head of
the Common wealth, hath^ by participation with God
and his subjects. Discretion, Judgement, and feeling
love towards those over whom he raigneth only proper
to himselfe, or to his places and person, who seeing
he cannot in any others diffuse his wisedome, power,
or gifts, which God in respect of his place and charge
hath enabled him withall, can neither subordinate any
other ludge to governe by that knowledge, which the
King can no otherwise then by his knowne will parti-
cipate unto him. And if any subordinate Judge shall
obtaine Commission according to the discretion^ of
such ludge to govern the people, that ludge is bound
to think that to be his sound discretion, which* the
1 So Remains. The original has '' worke."
2 So Remains. The original omits " hath.''
3 So Remains. The words " to the discretion " are omitted in the original.
4 So Remains. The original has " in which."
392
APPENDIX m.
law in which the Kings known will sheweth unto
him ^ to be that lustice which hee ought to admin-
ister : otherwise he might seeme to esteeme himselfe
above the Kings law, who will not goveme by him,
or to have a power derived from other then from the
King, which in the Kingdome will administer lustice
contrarie to the justice of the Land. Neither can
such a Judge or Commissioner under the name of his
high Authoritie shrowde his owne high affection, see-
ing the Conscience and discretion of every man is par-
ticular and private to himselfe ; As the discretion of
the Judge cannot be properly or possibly the discre-
tion of the King, or conscience of the King ; And if
not his discretion, neither the Judgement that is ruled
by another mans only. Therefore it may seeme they
rather desire to bee Kings then to rule the peopie under
the King, which will not administer Justice by law, but
by their owne wills.
This Administration in a subject is derogative to the
Kings Prerogative, for he administreth Justice out of
a private direction, being not capable of a generall
direction, how to use the Kings pleasure in Causes
of particular respect, which if another then the King
himselfe can doe, how can it be so, that any man
should desire that which is unfit and impossible, but
that it must proceed out of some exorbitant affection,
the rather seeing such places to be full of trouble, and
being altogether unnecessary, no man will seeke to
thrust himselfe into it, but for hope of gaine. Then is
not any prerogative oppugned but maintained, though
it be desired that every subordinate Magistrate may not
1 So both copies. It should probably be " in which the king's known
will is contained."
SPUEIOUS ESSAYS. 393
be made supreame, whereby he may seale up the hearts
of the people, take from the King the respect due unto
him only, or to judge the people otherwise then the
King doth himselfe.
And although the Prince be not bound to render
any accompt to the Law, which in person administreth
it selfe : ^ Yet every subordinate Judge must render an
accompt to the King by his lawes how hee hath admin-
istred Justice in his place where he is set. But if he
hath power to rule by private direction, for which there
is no law, how can he be questioned by a law, if in his
private censure he offendeth.
Therefore it seemeth that in giving such authority
the Kino; ordaineth not subordinate Mao-istrates, but
absolute Kings ; And what doth the King leave to
himselfe, who giveth so much to others as he hath
himself? neither is there a greater bond to tie the
subject to his Prince in particular then when he shal
have recourse unto him in his person or in his power
for releif of the wrongs which from private men be of-
fered, or for reformation of the oppressions which any
subordinate Magistrate shall impose upon the people :
there can be no offence in the Judge, who hath
power to execute according to his discretion, when
the discretion of any Judge shall be thought fit to
be unlimited ; ^ And therefore there can be therein
no reformation, whereby the King in this useth no
prerogative to gaine his Subjects right. Then the
subject is bound to suffer helplesse wrong, and the
discontent of the people is cast upon the King, the
lawes being neglected, which with their equitie in all
1 So both copies. It should probably be "himself."
2 So the original. The Remains has " limited."
other Causes and Judgements, saving this, interposi
themselves and yeeld remedy.
And to conclude, Custome cannot confirme that
which is any wayes unreasonable of it selfe ; Wise-
dome will not allow that which is many wayes danger-
ous, and no wayes profitable ; Justice will not approve
that government, where it cannot be but wrong must
be committed. Neither can there be any rule by which
to try it, nor meanes for reformation of it.
Therefore whosoever desireth Government, must
seeke such as he is capable of, not such as seemeth to
himselfe most easie to execute ; For it appeareth that
it is easie to him that knoweth not law nor justice to
rule as he listeth, his will never wanting a power to
it selfe : but it is safe and blamelesse both for the Judge
and People, and honour to the King, that Judges bee
appointed who know the Law, and that they bee lim-
ited to governe according to the Law.
An Essay on Death,
By the Lord Chancellor Bacon, i
I HAVE often thought upon death, and find it the
least of all evils. All that which is past is as a
dream ; and he that hopes or depends upon time
coming, dreams waking. So much of our life as we
have discovered is already dead ; and all those hours
which we share, even from the breasts of our mother,
until we return to our grand-mother the earth, are
part of our dying days ; whereof even this is one, and
1 Remains, p. 7.
SPURIOUS ESSAYS. 395
those that succeed are of the same nature ; for we die
daily ; and as others have given place to us, so we must
in the end give way to others.
Physicians, in the name of death include all sorrow,
anguish, disease, calamity, or whatsoever can fall in the
life of man, either grievous or unwelcome : but these
things are familiar unto us, and we suffer them every
hour ; therefore we die daily, and I am older since I
affirmed it.
I know many wise men that fear to die ; for the
change is bitter, and flesh would refuse to prove it :
besides, the expectation brings terror, and that ex-
ceeds the evil. But I do not believe that any man
fears to be dead, but only the stroke of death : and
such are my hopes, that if heaven be pleased, and
nature renew but my lease for twenty-one years more,
without asking longer days, I shall be strong enough
to acknowledge without mourning that I was begotten
mortal. Virtue walks not in the highway, though she
go per alta; this is strength and the blood to virtue,
to contemn things that be desired, and to neglect that
which is feared.
Why should man be in love with his fetters, though
of gold ? Art thou drowned in security ? Then I say
thou art perfectly dead. For though thou mo vest, yet
thy soul is buried within thee, and thy good angel either
forsakes his guard or sleeps. There is nothing under
heaven, saving a true friend, who cannot be counted
within the number of moveables, unto which my heart
doth lean. And this dear freedom hath begotten me
this peace, that I mourn not for that end which must
be, nor spend one wish to have one minute added to
the incertain date of my years. It was no mean ap-
396
APPENDIX in.
prehension of Lucian, who says of Menlppus, that in
his travels through hell he knew not the kings of the.
earth from other men, but only by their louder cryings
and tears : which was fostered in them through the]
remorseful memory of the good days they had seen,
and the fruitful havings which they so unwillingly left
behind them : he that was well seated, looked back at
his portion, and was loth to forsake his farm ; anil
others either minding marriages, pleasures, profit, or
preferment, desired to be excused from death's ban-
quet : they had made an appointment with earth, look-
ing at the blessings, not the hand that enlarged them,
forgetting how unclothedly they came hither, or with
what naked ornaments they were arrayed.
But were we servants of the precept given, and
observers of the heathens rule memento mori, and not
become benighted with this seeming felicity, we should
enjoy them as men prepared to lose, and not wind up
our thoughts upon so perishing a fortune ; he that is
not slackly strong (as the servants of pleasure), how
can he be found unready to quit the veil and false vis-
age of his perfection ? The soul having shaken off her
flesh, doth then set up for herself, and contemning
things that are under, shews what finger hath enforced
her ; for the souls of idiots are of the same piece with
those of statesmen, but now and then nature is at a
fault, and this good guest of ours takes soil in an un-
perfect body, and so is slackened from shewing her
wonders ; like an excellent musician, which cannot
utter himself upon a defective instrument.
But see how I am swarved, and lose my course,
touching at the soul, that doth least hold action with
death, who hath the surest property in this frail act ;
SPURIOUS ESSAYS. 397
his stile is the end of all flesh, and the beginning of
incorruption.
This Ruler of Monuments leads men for the most
part out of this world with their heels forward, in to-
ken that he is contrary to life ; which being obtained,
sends men headlong into this wretched theatre, where
being arrived, their first language is that of mourning.
Nor in my own thoughts can I compare men more fitly
to any thing, than to the Indian fig-tree, which being
ripened to his full height, is said to decline his branches
down to the earth ; whereof she conceives again, and
they become roots in their own stock.
So man having derived his being from the earth,
first lives the life of a tree, drawing his nourishment as
a plant ; and made ripe for death he tends downwards,
and is sowed a^ain in his mother the earth, where he
perisheth not, but expects a quickening.
So we see death exempts not a man from being, but
only presents an alteration ; yet there are some men,
I think, that stand otherwise persuaded. Death finds
not a worse friend than an alderman, to whose door
I never knew him welcome ; but he is an importunate
guest, and will not be said nay.
And though they themselves shall affirm that they
are not within, yet the answer will not be taken ; and
that which heightens their fear is, that they know they
are in danger to forfeit their flesh, but are not wise
of the payment day : which sickly uncertainty is the
occasion that (for the most part) they step out of this
world unfurnished for their general account, and being
all unprovided, desire yet to hold their gravity, prepar-
ing their souls to answer in scarlet.
Thus I gather that death is unagreeable to most citi-
398
zens, because they commonly die intestate : this being
a rule, that when their will is made, they think them-
selves nearer a grave than before : now they, out of
the wisdom of thousands, think to scare destiny, from
which there is no appeal, by not making a will, or to
live longer by protestation of their unwillingness to
die. They are for the most part well made in this
world, (accounting their treasure by legions, as men
do devils,) their fortune looks towards them, and they
are willing to anchor at it, and desire (if it be possible)
to put the evil day far off from them, and to adjourn
their ungrateful and killing period.
No, these are not the men which have bespoken
death, or whose looks are assured to entertain a thought
of him.
Death arrives gracious only to such as sit in dark-
ness, or lie heavy burdened with grief and irons ; to
the poor Christian, that sits bound in the galley ; to
despairful widows, pensive prisoners, and deposed kings :
to them whose fortune runs back, and whose spirit mu-
tinies ; unto such death is a redeemer, and the grave a
place for retiredness and rest.
These wait upon the shore of death, and waft unto
him to draw near, wishing above all others, to see his
star, that they might be led to his place, wooing the
remorseless sisters to wind down the watch of their
life, and to break them off before the hour.
But death is a doleful messenger to an usurer, and
fate untimely cuts their thread : for it is never men-
tioned by him, but when rumours of war and civil tu-
mults put him in mind thereof.
And when many hands are armed, and the peace of
a city in disorder, and the foot of the common soldiers
SPURIOUS ESSAYS. 399
sounds an alarm on his stairs, then perhaps such a one,
(broken in thoughts of his moneys abroad, and cursing
the monuments of coin which are in his house), can
be content to think of death, and (being hasty of per-
dition) will perhaps hang himself, lest his throat should
be cut ; provided that he may do it in his study, sur-
rounded with wealth, to which his eye sends a faint
and languishing salute, even upon the turning off; re-
membering always, that he have time and liberty, by
writing, to depute himself as his own heir.
For that is a great peace to his end, and reconciles
him wonderfully upon the point.
Herein we all dally with ourselves, and are without
proof of necessity.^ I am not of those that dare prom-
ise to pine away myself in vain-glory, and I hold such
to be but feat boldness, and them that dare commit it
to be vain. Yet for my part, I think nature should do
me great wrong, if I should be so long in dying, as I
was in being born.^
To speak truth, no man knows the lists of his own
patience ; nor can divine how able he shall be in his
sufferings, till the storm come, (the perfectest virtue
being tried in action,) but I would (out of a care to
do the best business well) ever keep a guard, and stand
upon keeping faith and a good conscience.
And if wishes might find place, I would die to-
gether, and not my mind often, and my body once ;
that is, I would prepare for the messengers of death,
sickness and affliction, and not wait long, or be at-
tempted by the violence of pain.
1 So the original. Modem editions read "till necessity:" probably a
conjectural correction; and (I suspect) not the true reading.
2 them in the last sentence, and yet in this, are omitted in the original.
Herein I do not profess myself a Stoic, to hold grief
no evil, but opinion, and a thing indifferent.
But I consent with Caesar, that the suddenest pj
sage is easiest, and there is nothing more awakens oi
resolve and readiness to die, than the quieted coi
science, strengthened with opinion that we shall be
well spoken of upon earth by those that are just, and
of the family of virtue ; the opposite whereof is a fury
to man, and makes even life unsweet.
Therefore, what is more heavy than evil fame de-
served ? Or, likewise, who can see worse days, than
he that yet living doth follow at the funerals of his
own reputation ?
I have laid up many hopes, that I am privileged
fi-om that kind of mourning, and could wish the like
peace to all those with whom I wage love.
I might say much of the commodities that death can
sell a man ; but briefly, death is a friend of ours, and
he that is not ready to entertain him, is not at home.
Whilst I am, my ambition is not to fore-flow the tide ;
I have but so to make my interest of it, as I may ac-
count for it ; I would wish nothing but what might
better my days, nor desire any greater place than the
front of good opinion. I make not love to the contin-
uance of days, but to the goodness of them ; nor wish
to die, but refer myself to my hour, which the great
dispenser of all things hath appointed me ; yet as I am
frail, and suffered for the first fault, were it given me
to choose, I should not be earnest to see the evening
of my age ; that extremity of itself being a disease,
and a mere return into infancy : so that if perpetuity
of life might be given me, I should think what the
Greek poet said, Such an age is a mortal evil. And
SPURIOUS ESSAYS. 401
since I must needs be dead, I require it may not be
done before mine enemies, that I be not stript before I
be cold ; but before my friends. The "night was even
now ; but that name is lost ; it is not now late, but
early. Mine eyes begin to discharge their watch, and
compound with this fleshly weakness for a time of per-
petual rest ; and I shall presently be as happy for a
few hours, as I had died the first hour I was born.
26
DE SAPIENTIA VETEEUI.
PREFACE
The treatise De Sapientia Veterum was first pub-
lished in 1609, in a small duodecimo volume, carefully
and beautifully printed in the elegant italic type then
in use. It appears to have become speedily popular,
and was once or twice reprinted during Bacon's life,
and translated both into English and Italian. In 1623,
he introduced three of the fables, revised and consider-
ably enlarged, into the De Augmentis Scientiarum, as a
specimen of one of the Desiderata, Two others he had
designed for the foundation of an elaborate discussion of
the philosophy of Democritus, Parmenides, and Telesius ;
of which a considerable fragment has been preserved.
See Preface to De Prindpiis atque Originihus. A
year or two before his death he designed to include
the whole volume among the Opera Moralia et Civilia,
of which he was then preparing a collection, and in
which it was afterwards published by Dr. Rawley,
along with the Latin translations of the History of
Henry VII., the Essays, the New Atlantis, and the
Dialogue of a Holy War. There can be no doubt
therefore that it was a work which he thought well
of, and meant to live.
Of the history of it all I know further is, that four
of the fables, — namely. Metis sive Consilium^ Soror
Gigantum sive Fama, Coelum sive Origines, and Proteus
sive Materia, — are found in the same form in the frag-
406
PREFACE.
ment which I have entitled Cogitationes de Seientid
ITumand, and which I suppose to have been written
before 1605. See Preface to the Philosophical Works,
Part III.
The object of the work was probably to obtain a
more favourable hearing for certain philosophical doc-
trines of Bacon's own ; for it seems certain that the fa-
bles themselves could never have suggested the ideas,
however a man to whom the ideas had suggested them-
selves might find or fancy he found them in the fables.
But the theory on which his interpretation rests, name-
ly that a period of high intellectual cultivation had ex-
isted upon the earth and passed out of memory long be-
fore the days of Homer, was, I suppose, seriously enter-
tained by him ; nor was it a thing so difficult to believe
then as it seems now. When a new continent was
first discovered, in which the savage inhabitants were
found laden with golden ornaments, it was easy to be-
lieve in the rumours of El Dorado ; and when the bur-
ied fragments of Greek and Roman civilisation were
first brought up for the examination of a new age, they
might easily suggest to the imagination a world of won-
ders still unrecovered. But when voyage after voyage
returned from America, bringing no confirmation of the
first rumours, they ceased to be credible ; and now that
men have been employed for centuries in diligently col-
lecting and discussing the monuments of antiquity, and
yet no further evidence of that period of primeval wis-
dom has been discovered, the balance of probability
turns against the speculation. Comparative philology,
coupled with comparative mythology, teaches us to seek
for an explanation of the ancient mythes in a new di-
rection ; and from these sciences Bacon, though I think
PEEFACE. 407
he would have accepted them as the best guides in the
inquiry, could have no help ; for they could hardly be
said to exist at all in his time. Regarded therefore as
attempts to explain the true historical origin of these fa-
bles, his interpretations, however elegant and ingenious,
may be set aside, as having lost their serious interest for
us. And though they would furnish an editor possessed
of the requisite learning, and so minded, with an oppor-
tunity of displaying a vast deal of erudition, it would, I
think, be wasted in this place. In so far as the question
could be settled by the light of common sense with
such knowledge as Bacon had, little could be added
probably on either side to what he has himself said in
his prefatory disquisition. In so far as it depends upon
the knowledge which has since been acquired concern-
ing the ancient languages and literature of the East, it
should be discussed without reference to Bacon, who
had no such knowledge, and would in all probability, if
it had been revealed to him, have given up his own
conjecture as untenable.
The interest which the book still possesses for us
(and it has always been a great favourite with me) is
of quite another kind ; nor has either change of times
or increase of knowledge at all abated its freshness. It
is an interest precisely of the same kind with that
which in the Essays shows no symptoms of becoming
obsolete. The interpretation of each fable is in fact
an " essay or counsel," civil, moral, or philosophical ;
embodying the results of Bacon's own thought and
observation upon the nature of men and things, and
replete with good sense of the best quality.
The great popularity of this book during the first
half of the seventeenth century may have been partly
408
PREFACE.
due to the reputation which it then had among schol-
ars as a work of learning and authority ; and if so,
the decline of its popularity may be accounted for by
the abatement of that reputation. Students of Greek
naturally neglect it, because it passes no longer for an
orthodox exposition of the meaning of the Greek fa-
bles. Students of nature and the business of modern
life naturally pass it by, not expecting to find imder
such a title and in a dead language the sort of enter-
tainment they are in search of. But I see no other
reason why it should not be as great a favourite with
modern readers and be found as amusing and instruc-
tive as the Essays are ; the matter being of as good
quality, and the form not less attractive.
Upon this view of its character, and having a due
regard to my own qualifications, I have thought it best
to leave points of learning to those who are more com-
petent to handle them (for the most I could do in that
way would be to report conclusions which I am not in
a condition to verify), and content myself with en-
deavouring by means of a new translation to bring the
book within reach of the less learned. For though
three English translations of it have been published,
one of which was once very popular, and all are extant
and accessible, I do not find any of them much quoted
or referred to now, as if they had obtained any real
currency among English readers. Whether my at-
tempt will fare better, remains to be seen ; but if I
have succeeded in putting into the translation so much
of the life of the original, that those who are fond
of the Essays may read it with something of the same
feeling, I shall not regret the pains I have taken in the
matter.
PKEFACE. 409
With regard to the enigma which these ancient
mjthes present us with, I have said that the researches
of modern science teach us to look for the true solu-
tion of it in a direction quite different from that w^hich
Bacon took. And without affecting to offer anything
that can be called an opinion on the subject for myself,
I am fortunately able to illustrate my meaning by an
example of a modern solution, derived from one whose
information includes probably everything that is known
with reference to the question at issue, up to the latest
dates. I allude to Professor Max Miiller's paper on
Comparative Mythology in the Oxford Essays of 1856.
The difficulty to be explained, as stated by him, is
substantially the same as that which Bacon puts for-
ward most prominently among his reasons for conclud-
ing that these old fables involved an allegorical meaning.
" Let us think," says Professor Miiller, " of the times
which could bear a Lykurgos and a Solon, — which
could found an Areopagos and the Olympic Games,
and how can we imagine that, a few generations before
that time, the highest notions of the Godhead among
the Greeks were adequately expressed by the story of
Uranos maimed by Kronos, — of Kronos eating his
children, swallowing a stone, and vomiting out alive his
whole progeny? .... The difficulty is, how at first
the human mind was led to such imaginings, — how
the names and the tales arose ; and unless this question
can be answered, our belief in a regular and consistent
progress of the human intellect, through all ages and
in all countries, must be given up as a false theory." ^
" A fable that is probable," says Bacon, " may be
thought to have been composed merely for pleasm'e, in
1 Essay on Comparative Mythology, pp. 8. 11.
410
PREFACE.
imitation of history. But when a story is told which'
could never have entered into any man's head either to
conceive or relate on its own account, we must pre-
sume that it had some further reach. What a fiction
(for instance) is that of Jupiter and Metis ! Jupiter
took Metis to wife : as soon as he saw that she was with
child, he ate her up : whereupon he grew to be with
child himself, and so brought forth out of his head Pallas
in armour ! Surely I think no man had ever a dream
so monstrous, and extravagant, and out of all natural
ways of thinking." ^ Both agree likewise in conclud-
ing that the original story must have involved another
meaning ; that the names and incidents must haver sur-
vived after that meaning had been forgotten ; and that
they have suffered in the hands of poets a variety of
alterations, applications, and corruptions. So far the
two speculations go together ; but at this point they
part, and part in opposite directions. Bacon, having
only the Greek language and mythology to interpret
the Greek fables by, conceived it possible that a gener-
ation of wise men had once flourished upon the earth,
who taught the ■ mysteries of nature in parables ; that
they died and their wisdom with them ; the parables
remaining in memory, merely as tales without mean-
ing. Professor Miiller, furnished with materials for a
wider induction in the languages and mythologies of
all the Eastern nations and races, and finding similai
traditions flourishing among them all, — "stories iden-
tical in form and in character, whether we find them on
Indian, Persian, Greek, Italian, Slavonic, or Teutonic
soil," — and being able likewise to trace the names
which figure in many of these stories through their
1 De Sap. Vet. Prcefatio, p. 429. of this volume.
PREFACE. 411
Greek corruptions to their original meaning in the lan-
guage from which they came, — able, for instance, by
help of the Veda to identify Daphne with the Dawn
(see p. 57) — is led, through a course of reasoning
too long for quotation and yet too close for abridge-
ment, to a conclusion much more in accordance with
all we know of the progress and vicissitudes of human
things ; yet one which, if accepted, will be held, I
think, to justify me in treating the ideas which Bacon
finds in these fables as valuable only for the truth and
sense they contain, and not as illustrating antiquity.
He traces the origin of these mythes to a time when
abstract nouns had not been invented ; when men had
not learnt to express by single words collective or ab-
stract ideas ; when therefore everything was spoken of
as a person, with a name and a sex. He conceives
that they were in fact merely descriptions of the great
phenomena of nature ; conveying to those who first
uttered them the ideas of morning and evening, sum-
mer and winter, dawn, twilight, darkness, &c. ; indi-
cating the relations between them by words expressing
human relations, human feelings and passions; and
thus making every metaphor a story ; which, passing
into another language in which the original name no
longer suggested the original image, lost its metaphori-
cal signification, came to be received and repeated
as a story simply, and so grew into what we call a
myihe. It would not be difficult to suggest analogies
even from our own experience, by which it would be
seen that the process is a natural one ; but I should
do injustice to Professor Miiller's argument if I at-
tempted to give an idea of the evidence which he
brings to support his view. I have said enough, how-
412
PREFACE.
ever, to enable the reader to enter into his exposition
of the fable of Endymion, which will sufficiently illus-
trate his theory ; and which, as we have Bacon's
.exposition to contrast it with, will serve better thai
•anything else to exhibit the difference between th<
rival methods of interpretation.
" We can best enter," says he, " into the original
meaning of a Greek mythe, when some of the persons
who act in it have preserved names intelligible in
Greek- When we find the names of Eos, Selene,
Helios, or Herse, we have words which tell their own^
story, and we have a ttov gtu for the rest of the mytheJ
Let us take the beautiful mythe of Selene and En^
dymion. Endymion is the son of Zeus and Kalyke, but
he is also the son of Aethlios, a king of Elis, who is
himself called a son of Zeus, and whom Endymion
said to have succeeded as King of Elis. This localise
our mythe, and shows, at least, that Elis is its birtl
place, and that, according to Greek custom, the reigning
race of Elis derived its origin from Zeus. The same
custom prevailed in India, and gave rise to the two great
royal families of ancient India — the so-called Solar and
the Lunar races; and Pururavas, of whom more by
and by, says of himself, —
The great king of day,
And monarch of the night are my progenitors ;
Their grandson I . . . .
There may, then, have been a King of Elis, Aethlios,
and he may have had a son, Endymion ; but what the
mythe tells of Endymion could not have happened to
the King of Elis. The mythe transfers Endymion into
Karia, to Mount Latmos, because it was in the Latmian
cave that Selene saw the beautiful sleeper, loved him
PREFACE. 413
and lost him. Now about the meaning of Selene,
there can be no doubt ; but even if tradition had only
preserved her other name, Asterodia, we should have
had to translate this synonyme, as Moon, as 'Wanderer
among the stars.' But who is Endymion ? It is one
of the many names of the sun, but with special refer-
ence to the setting or dying sun. It is derived from
kv-dvij, a verb which, in classical Greek, is never used
for setting, because the simple verb dvw had become the
technical term for sunset. Avajial ijllov, the setting of the
Sun, is opposed to avarokoL, the rising. Now, (Jvw meant,
originally, to dive into ; and expressions like vtkMq d' dp'
Idv, the sun dived, presupposes an earlier conception of
lin) novTov, he dived into the sea. Thus Thetis addresses
her companions, II. xviii. 140.
'Tfiec^ fj£V vvv dvTE -dakaaarjc evpea koXttov,
You may now dive into the broad bosom of the sea.
Other dialects, particularly of maritime nations, have
the same expression. In Lat. we find ' Cur mergat
seras aequore flammas.' In Old Norse, ' Sol gengr i
aegi.' Slavonic nations represent the sun as a woman
stepping into her bath in the evening, and rising re-
freshed and purified in the morning ; or they speak
of the Sea as the mother of the Sun, and of the Sun
as sinking into her mother's arms at night. We may
suppose, therefore, that in some Greek dialect £v6vu was
used in the same sense ; and that from hdvtj, kvSv/xa was
formed to express sunset. From this was formed
evdviuuv, like oi'paviuv from ovpavog, and like most of the
names of the Greek months. If hdv^ta had become a
common name for sunset, the mythe of Endymion
could never have arisen. But the original meaning
of Endymion being once forgotten, what was told
iumis
414
PREFACE.
originally of the setting sun was now told of a name,
which, in order to have any meaning, had to be
changed into a god or a hero. The setting sun once
slept in the Latmian cave, or cave of night, — Latmos
being derived from the same root as Leto, Latona,
the night ; — but now he sleeps on Mount Latmos, in
Karia. Endymion, sinking into eternal sleep after a
life of but one day, was once the setting sun, the son
of Zeus — the brilliant Sky, and Kalyke — the cover-
ing night (from KokvizTu) ; or, according to another
saying, of Zeus and Protogeneia, the first-born god-
dess, or the Dawn, who is always represented, either
as the mother, the sister, or the forsaken wife of the
Sun. Now he is the son of a King of Elis, probably
for no other reason except that it was usual for kings
to take names of good omen, connected with the sun,
or the moon, or the stars, — in which case a mythe,
connected with a solar name, would naturally be
transferred to its human namesake. In the ancient
poetical and proverbial language of Elis, people said
' Selene loves and watches Endymion,' instead of ' it
is getting late ; ' ' Selene embraces Endymion,' in-
stead of ' the sun is setting and the moon is rising ; '
' Selene kisses Endymion into sleep,' instead of ' it is
night.' These expressions remained long after their
meaning had ceased to be understood ; and as the
human mind is generally as anxious for a reason as
ready to invent one, a story arose by common con-
sent, and without any personal effort, that Endymion
must have been a young lad loved by a young lady,
Selene ; and if children were anxious to know still
more, there would always be a grandmother happy
to tell them that this young Endymion was the son
PREFACE. 415
of the Protogenela, — she half meaning and half not
meaning by that name the Dawn, who gave birth to
the sun ; or of Kalyke, the dark and covering night.
This name, once touched, would set many chords
vibrating ; three or four different reasons might be
given (as they really were given by ancient poets)
why Endymion fell into this everlasting sleep, and
if any of these was alluded to by a popular poet, it
became a mythological fact, repeated by later poets ;
so that Endymion grew at last almost into a type, no
longer of the setting sun, but of a handsome boy be-
loved of a chaste maiden, and therefore a most likely
name for a young prince. Many mythes have thus
been transferred to real persons, by a mere similar-
ity of name, though it must be admitted that there
is no historical evidence whatsoever that there ever
was a Prince of Elis, called by the name of Endym-
ion.
" Such is the growth of a legend, originally a mere
word, a (iv^og, probably one of those many words which
have but a local currency, and lose their value if they
are taken to distant places, — words useless for the
daily intercourse of thought, — spurious coins in the
hands of the many, — yet not thrown away, but pre-
served as curiosities and ornaments, and deciphered
at last, after many centuries, by the antiquarian." ^
I give this specimen merely to explain and illustrate
the modern theory. For the argument in support of
it I must refer to the Essay itself; though even there
it suffers much for want of room. But that the pro-
cess described is possible and natural, may be shown
1 Oxford Essays, 1856, p. 49.
416
PREFACE.
meanwhile without going out of our own literati
or our own times.
The poetry of earth is never dead :
and even within the last ten years an instance has'
occurred of the simple language of poetic passion be-
ing translated out of poetry into mythology. Alfred,
Tennyson speaks in In Memoriam of returning home]
in the evening
Before the crimson-circled star
Had fallen into her father's grave:
not thinking at all of any traditional pedigree, (nO'
more than when he speaks of
Sad Hesper, o'er the buried Sun,
And ready thou to die with him,)
but expressing, by such an image as the ancient Elian!
might have resorted to, his sympathy with the pa-
thetic aspect of the dying day. Critics however asked
for explanations : what star, whose daughter, what
grave ? And it turns out curiously enough that all
these questions can be answered out of Greek mythol-
ogy quite satisfactorily. " The planet Venus (says a
Belgravian correspondent of Notes and Queries^ 1851,
iii. 506), when she is to the east of the sun, is our
evening star (and as such used to be termed Hesperus
by the ancients). The evening star in a summer
twilight is seen surrounded with the glow of sunset,
crimson-circled Venus sinking into the sea,
which in setting she would appear to do, falls into the
grave of Uranus^ — her father according to the theory
of Hesiod (190). The part cast into the sea from
which Aphrodite sprung, is here taken by a becoming
licence (which softens the grossness of the old tradi-
PREFACE. 417
tion) for the whole ; so that the ocean, beneath the
horizon of which the evening star sinks, may be well
described by the poet as ' her father's grave.' "
I would not indeed have any one remember this
explanation when he is reading the poem, for it is
fatal to the poetic effect ; but the coincidence of the
expression with the mythic tradition is curious ; and
might almost make one think that Tennyson, while
merely following the eternal and universal instincts
of the human imagination and feeling, had uncon-
sciously reproduced the very image out of which the
tradition originally grew.
In Dr. Rawley's list of works composed by Bacon
during the last five years of his life, he mentions " his
revising of his book De Sapientia Veterum.^^ And as
he professes to give them in the order in which they
were written, and this comes near the end, I suppose
he does not allude merely to the three fables intro-
duced into the second book of the De Augmentis.,
which was published in 1623 ; but to some further
revision of the whole previous to the reprinting of the
work among the Opera Moralia et Civilia. I have
therefore treated that posthumous edition (which va-
ries in a few, though very few, passages from the
original of 1609), as the latest authority for the text.
But as it is not so carefully printed as the other, I
have collated the two throughout, and noticed the
variations. I have also kept the title-page of the
original edition ; and I have followed modern editors
in making the interpretation of each fable commence
a new paragraph.
VOL. XII. 27
FEANCISCI BACONI
EQUITIS AURATI,
PROCURATORIS SECUKDI JACOBI REGIS MAGN^ BRITANIH^,
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM
LIBER,
AD INCLYTAM ACADEMIAM CANTABRIGIENSEM.
LONDINI,
Excudebat Robeetus Bakerus, Serenissimse Regiae Majestatis
Typographus.
ANNO 1609.
ILLUSTRISSIMO VIRO
COMITI SARISBURIENSI,
SUMMO THE8AURARI0 ANGLIC, ET CANCELLARIO ACADEMIC
CANTAB RIGIENSIS.
Qu^ Academiae Cantabrigiensi dicantur, tibi jure
Cancellarii accrescunt : quae autem a me proficisci pos-
sunt omnia, tibi nomine proprio debentur. Illiid magis
videndum, num ista, ut tibi debita, ita etiam te digna
sint. Atque quod in illis minimum est (ingenium au-
thoris) id, propter tuum propensum in me animum,
nihil officiet; caetera dedecori non erunt. Nam si tem-
pus spectetur ; antiquitas primseva summam venera-
tionem habet : Si docendi forma ; Parabola veluti area
qusedam est, in qua pretiosissima quseque scientiarum
reponi consueverunt : Si operis materia ; ea philoso-
phia est, vitaB scilicet atque animae humanse decus se-
cundum. Fas sit enim dixisse, quamvis philosophia,
seculo nostro veluti per senium repuerascens, adoles-
centibus et fere pueris relinquatur ; eam tamen om-
nium rerum, post religionem, gravissimam atque natura
humana maxime dignam esse plane censeo. Etiam
politica, in qua te mirabilem praebes, et facultate et
meritis et sapientissimi regis judicio, ab eodem fonte
emanat, ejusque pars magna est. Quod si cui ista quae
affero vulgata esse videantur ; certe quid effecerim,
judicium meum non est ; id tamen secutus sum, ut
manifesta, et obsoleta, et locos communes praetervectus,
aliquid etiam ad vitaB ardua et scientiarum arcana con-
feram. Erunt itaque captui vulgari vulgaria : altiorem
autem intellectum fortasse non deserent, sed potius (ut
spero) deducent. Verum dum huic open dignitatei
nonnullam adstruere conor, quod ad te dicatum sit ;'
periculum est, ne modestiae fines transeam, cum a me
sit susceptum. Tu vero illud tanquam pignus afiectus
erga te mei, et observantiae, et animi maxime devoti
accipies, eique praesidium nominis tui imperties. Quare
cum tot et tanta sustineas, tempora tua diutius non
morabor ; sed finem faciam, tibi felicia omnia compre-
catus, et perpetuo futurus
Tibi^ et studio suo^ et heneficiis tuts devinctissimi
FRA. BACONUS.
ALM^ MATRI,
INCLYTiE ACADEMIiE CANTABRIGIENSI.
Cum sine philosophia me certe nee vivere juvet,
merito vos in magno honore habeo, a quibus mihi ista
vitae prsesidia et solatia fluxerint. Itaque hoc nomine
et me et mea vobis debere profiteer, quo minus mirum
sit, si vos vestris remunerem ; ut motu naturali redeant
a quo traxerint originem. Et tamen, nescio quomodo,
rara videntur vestigia vos retrorsum spectantia; cum in-
finita a vobis profecta sint. Nee nimium mihi sumam
(ut opinor), si sperem, propter rerum usum medio-
crem, quod nostrum vitae genus et institutum necessario
traxit, nonnullam ad hominum doctorum inventa, per
haec nostra, factam esse accessionem. Equidem in ea
opinion e sum, contemplationes, in vitam activam trans-
latas, nonnihil novi decoris et vigoris acquirere ; et
suppetente uberiore materia, et^ magis altas fortasse
radices agere, aut certe magis proceras et fi'ondosas
evadere. Neque vos (ut arbitror) ipsi nostis, quam
late pateant vestra, quamque ad multa pertineant.
1 So in both editions. But I think the second et should have been struck
out.
424
ALM^ MATRI, ETC.
-^quum est tamen omnia vobis attribui, atque in ves-1
trum honorem cedere, cum accessiones quaeque prin-
cipiis magna ex parte debeantur. Neque vero
homine occupato aliquid exquisitum, aut otii miraculaj
et praerogativas requiretis ; sed et hoc amori meo sum-
mo erga vos et vestra tribuetis, quod intra rerum civil-
ium spinas haec non prorsus perierint, sed vobis vestraj
servata sint. Valete.
Alumnus vester amantissimus,
FRA. BACONUS.
INDEX FABULARUM PRISC^ SOPHIA
HOC LIBRO CONTENTARUM.
1. Cassandra, sive Parrhesia.
2. Typhon, sive Rebellis.
3. Cyclopes, sive Ministri ter-
roris.
4. Narcissus, sive Philautia.
5. Styx, sive Foedera.
6. Pan, sive Natura.
7. Perseus, sive Bellum.
8. Endymion, sive Gratiosus.
9. SoROR Gigantum, sive
Fama.
10. ACTiEON ET PeNTHEUS,
sive Curiosus.
11. Orpheus, sive Philosophia.
12. Ccelum, sive Origines.
13. Proteus, sive Materia.
14. Memnon, sive Praematurus.
16. TiTHONUS, sive Satias.
16. Procus Junoni^ sive Ded-
17.
18,
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
CupiDO, sive Atomus.
Diomedes, sive Zelus.
Djedalus, sive Mecliani-
cus.
Ericthonius, sive Impos-
tura.
Deucalion, sive Restitutio.
Nemesis, sive Vices Rerum.
AcHELOUS, sive PraBlium.
Dionysus, sive Cupiditas.
Atalanta, sive Lucrum.
Prometheus, sive Status
Hominis.
Icarus Volans, item Scyl-
LA ET Charybdis, sive
Via Media.
Sphynx, sive Scientia.
Proserpina, sive Spiritus.
Metis, sive Consilium.
SiRENES, sive Voluptas.
PK^FATIO.
Antiquitatem prlmaevam (exceptis quae in sacris
Uteris habemus) oblivio et silentium involvit : silentia
antiquitatis fabulae poetarum exceperunt: fabulis tan-
dem successere scripta quae habemus ; adeo ut antiqui-
tatis penetralia et recessus a sequentium saeculorum me-
moria et evidentia, tanquam velo fabularum, discreta et
separata sint ; quod se interposuit et objecit medium,
inter ea quae perierunt, et ea quae extant. Equidem
existimo plerosque in ea opinione fore, me delicias ac
ludos facere ; atque similem fere licentiam in transferen-
dis fabulis usurpare, ac ipsi poetae sibi sumpserint in
fingendis ; quod pro meo jure sane facere possem, ut
contemplationibus magis arduis haec ad voluptatem, sive
meditationis propriae sive lectionis alienae, aspergerem.
Neque me latet quam versatilis materia sit fabula, ut
hue illuc trahi, imo et duci possit ; quantumque ingenii
commoditas et discursus valeat, ut quae nunquam cogi-
tata sint belle tamen attribuantur. Etiam ilia cogitatio
animum subit, usum hujusce rei jampridem contamina-
tum esse : multi enim, ut inventis et placitis suis anti-
quitatis venerationem acquirerent, poetarum fabulas ad
ea traducere conati sunt. Atque vetus ilia vanitas et
frequens, nee nuper nata, aut raro usurpata est. Nam
et olim Chrysippus Stoicorum opiniones vetustissimis
428
PR^FATIO.
poetis, veluti somniorum allquis interpres, ascribere"
solebat ; et magis insulse Chymici ludos et delicias po-
etarum in corporum transformationibus ad fornacis ex-
perimenta transtulerunt. Hsec (inquam) cuncta nobis
satis et explorata et expensa sunt ; omnemque ingenio-
rum circa allegorias levitatem et indulgentiam perspexi-
nAis et notaAdmus, neque propterea omnino de senten-
tia decedimus. Primo enim, absit ut paucorum inep-
tisB et licentia parabolarum honori in genere detrahant.
Hoc enim prophanum quiddam sonat et audax, cum
hujusmodi velis et umbris religio gaudeat, ut qui eas
tollat commercia divinorum et humanorum fere inter-
dicat. Verum de humana sapientia videamus. Fa-
teor certe ingenue et libenter, me in banc sententiam
propendere, ut non paucis antiquorum poetarum fabu-
lis mysterium et allegoriam jam ab origine subesse pu-
tem ; sive captus veneratione prisci saeculi, sive quod in
nonnullis fabulis reperio tantam et tam evidentem cum
significato similitudinem et conjunctionem, tum in tex-
tura ipsa fabulae, tum in proprietate nominum quibus
personae sive actores fabulae insigniti et veluti inscripti
prodeunt ; ut sensum ilium ab initio praeceptum et cog-
itatum fuisse, et de industria adumbratum, nemo con-
stanter negaverit. Quis enim ita durus est et ad aperta
csecutiens, ut cum audiat Famam, Gigantibus exstinctis,
tanquam sororem posthumam progenitam esse, non illud
ad murmura partium et famas seditiosas, quae sopitis re-
bellionibus ad tempus vagari solent, referat ? Aut cum
audiat Typhonem gigantem nervos Jovis secuisse et
abstulisse, ac Mercurium eos suffiiratum esse, et Jovi
reddidisse, non statim advertat hoc ad rebelliones
praevalidas pertinere, quae regibus nervos et pecuniarum
et authoritatis incidunt, ita tamen ut per sermonum
PE^FATIO. 429
comitatem et prudentia edicta animi subditorum non
ita multo post quasi furtim reconcilientur, et vires regi-
bus restituantur ? Aut cum audiat, in ilia memorabili
Deorum contra gigantes expeditione, asinum Sileni cum
ruderet maximi momenti ad profligandos gigantes fuisse ;
non liquido cogitet hoc de vastis rebellium conatibus,
qui plerumque per inanes rumores et terrores vanos dis-
sipantur, confictum fuisse? Etiam nominum confor-
mitas et indicium cui tandem hominum obscurimi esse
potest ? cum Metis uxor Jovis plane consilium sonet ;
Typhon tumorem ; Pan universum ; Nemesis vindic-
tam: et similia. Neque illud quenquam moveat, si
aliquid interdum historiae subsit, aut si nonnuUa orna-
menti gratia addita sint, aut si tempora confundantur,
aut si ex una fabula quippiam transferatur in aliam, et
nova allegoria inducatur. Necesse enim fait haec fieri,
cum inventa virorum fiierint qui et aetate disjuncti et
instituto diversi erant ; cum alii antiquiores, alii recen-
tiores fuerint, alii rursus naturam rerum, alii res civiles
sibi proponerent. Habemus etiam et aliud sensus oc-
culti et involuti signum non parvum, quod nonnullae ex
fabulis tam absurdae narratione ipsa et insulsse inveni-
antur, ut parabolam etiam ex longinquo ostentent, et
veluti clament. Quae enim probabilis est fabula, etiam
ad voluptatem et historiae similitudinem conficta existi-
mari potest ; quod autem nulli in mentem venisset cog-
itare aut narrare, id in alios usus quaesitum videtur.
Quale enim figmentum illud ? Jovem Metin in lixorem
accepisse, eamque statim ut gravidam sensisset come-
disse, unde ipse gravidus fieri coepit, et Palladem arma-
tam ex capite peperit ? Equidem existimo nulli morta-
lium obvenire vel somnium tam extra cogitationis vias
situm et monstrosum. Ante omnia illud apud nos
430
PR^FATIO.
maxime valuit, et plurimum ponderis habuit, quod ex
fabulis complures nullo modo nobis videntur ab eis in-
ventse, a quibus recitantur et celebrantur, Homero,
Hesiodo, reliquis ; si enim liquido nobis constitisset eas
ab ilia aetate atque illis authoribus manasse a quibus
commemorantur et ad nos devenerunt, nil magni certe
aut excelsi ab hujusmodi origine nobis (ut nostra fert
conjectura) expectare aut suspicari in mentem venisset.
Verum si quis attentius rem consideret, apparebit illas
tradi et referri tanquam prius creditas et receptas, non
tanquam turn primo excogitatas et oblatas. Quineti-
am cum diversis modis a scriptoribus fere coaevis refe-
rantur, facile cernas, quod commune habent, ex veteri
memoria desumptum ; in quo variant, ^ ex singulorum
ornatu additum. Atque haec res existimationem earum
apud nos auxit, ac si nee setatis nee inventionis poeta-
rum ipsorum essent ; sed veluti reliquise sacrae et aurae
tenues temporum meliorum ; quae ex traditionibus na-
tionum magis antiquarum in Graecorum tubas et fistulas
incidissent. Quod si quis obstinato animo contendat,
allegoriam in fabula semper subdititiam et impositam,
nee omnino nativam et genuinam fuisse ; ei molesti non
erimus, sed gravitatem illam judicii quam affectat, licet
hebetiorem et fere plumbeam, remittemus ; atque illuni
(si modo dignus sit) alio modo tanquam de integro ado-
riemur. Duplex apud homines repertus est atque in-
crebuit parabolarum usus, atque, quod magis mirum sit,
ad contraria valet.^ Faciunt enim parabolas ad involu-
crum et velum ; faciunt etiam ad lumen et illustratio-
nem. Atque misso illo usu priore (potius quam lites
suscipiamus), et receptis fabulis antiquis, tanquam rebus
vagis et ad delectationem compositis ; manet tamen
1 quod varium. Ed. 1609. 2 adhibeiur. Ed. 1609.
PRiEFATIO. 431
proculdubio posterior iste usus, neque ulla ingenii vio-
lentia nobis extorqueri possit, neque impediet quisquam
(qui sit mediocriter doctus) quin protinus recipiatur
modus iste docendi,^ tanquam res gravis et sobria, atque
omnis vanitatis expers, et scientiis apprime utilis, imo
et quandoque ^ necessaria ; nimirum ut in inventis no vis
et ab opinionibus vulgaribus remotis et penitus abstru-
sis, aditus ad intellectum humanum magis facilis et be-
nignus per parabolas quaeratur. Itaque antiquis saecu-
lis, cum rationis humanae inventa et conclusiones, etiam
eae quae nunc tritae et vulgatag sunt, tunc temporis
novaB et insuetae essent, omnia fabularum omnigenum,
et asnigmatum, et parabolarum, et similitudinum plena
erant : atque per haec docendi ratio, non occultandi
artificium, quaesitum est ; rudibus scilicet tunc temporis
hominum ingeniis, et subtilitatis, nisi quae sub sensum
cadebat, impatientibus et fere incapacibus. Nam ut
hieroglyphica Uteris, ita parabolae argumentis erant an-
tiquiores. Atque etiam nunc, si quis novam in aliqui-
bus lucem humanis mentibus afFundere velit, idque non
incommode et aspere, prorsus eadem via insistendum
est, et ad similitudinum auxilia confugiendum. Quare
quae dicta sunt ita claudemus. Sapientia prisci saeculi,
aut magna aut felix fuit : magna, si de industria excog-
itata est figura sive tropus : felix, si homines aliud
agentes materiam et occasionem tantae contemplatio-
num dignitati praebuere. Operam autem nostram (si
quid in ea sit quod juvet) in neutra re male collocatam
censebimus. Aut enim antiquitatem illustrabimus, aut
res ipsas. Neque nescius esse possum ^ banc rem ab
1 The words modus iste docendi are omitted in Ed. 1609.
'■^ atque adeo. Ed. 1609.
3 neque possum ignorare. Ed. 1609.
432
PR^FATIO.
aliis tentatam esse: sed tamen, ut quod sentiam elo-
quar, idque non fastidiose, sed libere, ejus^ decus et
virtus ex hujusmodi laboribus, licet magnis et operosis,
fere periit ; dum homines, rerum imperiti et non ultra
locos certos communes docti, parabolarum sensus ad
vulgaria quaedam et generalia applicaverunt, atque ea-
rundem vim veram, et proprietatem genuinam, ac inda-
gationem altiorem, non attigerunt. Nos autem erimus
(ni fallimur) in rebus vulgatis novi, et aperta et plana
a tergo relinquentes, ad ulteriora et nobiliora tende-
mus.
1 rei. Ed. 1609.
DE SAPIENTIA YETERUM.
CASSANDRA,
SIVE PARRHESIA.
Narrant Cassandram ab Apolline adamatam fiiisse,
atque variis artificiis ejus desideria elusisse, spes nihi-
lominus fovisse, quousque donum divinationis ab eo
extorsisset ; turn vero, nactam quod ab initio dissimula-
tione sua quaesivisset, preces ejus aperte rejecisse ; ilium,
cum quod temere largitus erat nullo modo revocare pos-
set, et tamen vindicta arderet, nee foeminae callidaB
ludibrio esse vellet, muneri suo poenam addidisse ; ut
ilia quidem vera semper praediceret, sed nemo ei crede-
ret : itaque vaticiniis ejus Veritas affiiit ; ^ fides defuit :
quod ilia perpetuo experta est etiam in excidio patrias
suae, de qua saepius monuerat, nemine auscultante aut
credente.
Fabula de intempestiva et inutili libertate consiliorum
et monitorum conficta videtur : qui enim ingenio sunt
pervicaci et aspero, nee se Apollini, id est, Deo Har-
moniae, submittere volunt, ut rerum modos et mensuras,
sermonumque veluti tonos acutos et graves, aurium
1 mansit. Ed. 1609.
VOL. XII. 28
434 DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM.
etiam magis peritanim et magis vulgarium differentias,
tempora denique turn loquendi turn silendi, ediscant et
observent ; licet sint prudentes et liberi, et consilia
afFerant sana et bona, nunquam tamen fere suasu et
impetu suo proficiunt, neque ad res tractandas efficaces
sunt ; sed potius exitium eis apud quos se ingerunt ma-
turant, et turn demum post calamitatem et eventum, ut
vates et in longum prospicientes celebrantur. Atque
hujus rei exemplum eminet in M. Catone Uticensi.
Ille enim interitum patrias, et tyrannidem primo ex
conspiratione deinde ex contentione Caesaris cum Pora-
peio secutam, diu ante tanquam e specula praevidit, et
tanquam ex oraculo prsedixit : sed nil profecit interim,
verum obfuit potius, et mala patriae acceleravit. Id
quod prudenter advertit, et eleganter describit M. Cic-
ero, cum ad amicum ita scribat : Cato optime sentit, sed
nocet interdum reipuhlicce : loquitur enim tanquam in
republica Platonis, non tanquamin foece Romuli.
11.
TYPHON,
SIVE REBELLIS.
Narrant poetas Junonem, indignatam quod Jupiter
Palladem ex sese sine ea peperisset, omnes deos atque
deas precibus fatigasse, ut ipsa etiam sine Jove partum
ederet. Et postquam violentiae et importunitati ejus
annuissent, terram ilia concussit, ex quo motu Typhon
natus est, monstrum ingens et horrendum. Ille ser-
penti veluti nutritio datus est, ut ab eo aleretur. Nee
mora, postquam adolevisset, quin bellum Jovi moveret.
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM. 435
In eo conflictu Jupiter in potestatem gigantis venit,
qui ilium in humeros sublatum in regionem remotam et
obscuram transportavit, et concisis nervis et manuum
et pedum, et secum abreptis, mancum et mutilatum
reliquit. Mercurius aatem nervos Jo vis Typhoni suffu-
ratus est, atque eos Jovi restituit. Jupiter confirmatus,
belluam rursus impetiit ; ac primum fulmine vulneravit,
ex cujus sanguine sei*pentes nati sunt. Turn demum
ruentem et fugientem (^tnam super eum jaculatus)
mole montis oppressit.
Fabula de fortuna regum varia et rebellionibus quae
in monarchiis quandoque evenire consueverunt conficta
est. Reges enim regnis suis, ut Jupiter Junoni, veluti
matrimonii vinculo juncti recte censentur : sed accidit
nonnunquam ut imperandi consuetudine depravati et in
tyrannidem vergentes, omnia ad se trahant, et con-
tempto ordinum et senatus sui consensu, ex sese pari-
ant : id est, ex arbitrio proprio et imperio mero cuncta
administrent. Id populi aegre ferentes, et ipsi moliun-
tur caput aliquod rerum ex sese creare et extollere.
Ea res ex occulta sollicitatione nobilium et procerum
fere initia sumit, quibus conniventibus, tum populi sus-
citatio tentatur ; ex qua tumor quidam rerum (per
Typhonis infantiam significatus) sequitur. Atque iste
rerum status ab insita plebis pravitate et natura malig-
na (serpente regibus infestissimo) nutricatur. Defec-
tione autem viribus coalita, postremo res in apertam
rebellionem erumpit ; quae, quia infinita mala et regi-
bus et populis infligit, sub dira ilia Typhonis effigie rep-
raesentatur, in qua centum capita ob divisas potestates,
ora flammantia ob incendia, anguium cingula ob pesti-
lentias (prassertim in obsidionibus), manus ferreae ob
caedes, ungues aquilini ob rapinas, corpus plumis con-
436
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM.
tectum ob perpetuos rumores et nuncios et trepida-
tiones, et hujusmodi. Atque interdum rebelliones istaa
tam praevalidse sunt, ut reges cogantur, tanquam a re-
bellibus transportati, relictis regni sedibus et urbibus
primariis, vires contrahere, et in remotam aliquam et
obscuram provinciam ditionis suae se recipere, nervis et
pecuniarum et majestatis accisis : sed tamen non ita
multo post, fortunam prudenter tolerantes, virtute et
industria Mercurii nervos recipiunt ; hoc est, afFabiles
facti, et per edicta prudentia et sermones benignos rec-
onciliatis subditorum animis et voluntatibus, tandem
alacritatem ad impensas conferendas, et novum auctor-
itatis vigorem excitant. Nihilominus, prudentes et
cauti, aleam fortunae tentare plerunque nolunt, et a
pugna abstinent, sed tamen operam dant ut aliquo fa-
cinore memorabili existimationem rebellium frangant.
Quod si ex voto succedat, illi, vulneris accepti conscii,
et rerum suarum trepidi, primo ad fractas et inanes
minas, veluti serpentum sibilos, se vertunt. Deinde,
rebus desperatis, fugam capessunt. Atque turn de-
mum, postquam mere incipiant, tutum est et tempesti-
vum regibus, copiis et universa mole regni, tanquam
^tnae monte, eos persequi et opprimere.
III.
CYCLOPES,
SIVE MINISTRI TERRORIS.
Narrant Cyclopes ob feritatem et immanitatem
primo a Jove in Tartarum detrusos, et perpetuo car-
ceri adjudicatos fiiisse : verum postea Tellus Jovi per-
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM. 437
suasit, ei non abs re fore, si eos vinclis liberaret, et
eorum opera ad fulmina fabricanda uteretur. Quod et
factum est, atque illi officios! et industrii fulmina atque
alia terroris iustrumenta assiduo opere et minaci strep-
itu fecerunt. Tempore autem labente evenit ut Jupiter
-^sculapio Apollinis filio succenseret, ob hominem med-
icina a morte excitatum ; iram autem tegens (quia
parum justa indignandi causa suberat ob facinus pium
et celebre) Cyclopes in eum secreto instigavit, qui
nihil cunctati fulmine eum interemere : in cujus rei
vindictam, Apollo Jove non prohibente sagittis eos
confecit.
Fabula ad regum facta pertinere videtur. Illi enim
ministros ssevos et sanguinarios et exactores primo sup-
pliciis afficiunt, et a rebus summovent. Postea ex
consilio Telluris, id est, ignobili et parum honorifico,
praevalente utilitate eos rursus adhibent, sicubi aut exe-
cutionum severitate aut exactionum acerbitate opus est.
Illi natura truces, et ex priore fortuna exasperati, et
satis sentientes quid ab illis expectetur, miram dili-
gentiam in hujusmodi rebus praestant ; sed parum cauti,
et ad gratiam ineundam et aucupandam praecipites,
aliquando ex secretis principum nutibus et incertis
mandatis invidiosam aliquam executionem peragunt.
Principes autem invidiam declinantes, et satis gnari
hujusmodi instrumenta nunquam sibi defutura, eos
destituunt : et propinquis et amicis eorum qui pcenas
subierunt atque horum delationibus et vindictae et
odio populari eos relinquunt, unde magno plausu, et ^
prosperis in reges votis et acclamationibus, sero magis
quam immerito pereunt.
lea;. Ed. 1609.
438 DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM.
IV.
NARCISSUS,
8IVE PHILAUTIA.
Narcissus fuisse traditur forma et venustate mirabi-
lis, sed suberat superbia ingens, et fastidium intoleran-
dum. Itaque cum sibi placeret, alios despiceret, vitam
egit solltariam in sylvis et venationibus, cum paucis
comitibus, quibus ipse omnia erat. Assectabatur etiam
eum ubique n;yTiipha Echo. In hoc vitae instituto fatale
ei erat ad fontem quendam limpidum venire, et juxta
eum sub aestum mediae diei decumbere. Cum autem
in aqua imaginem propriam aspexisset, in contempla-
tionem sui, ac deinde in admirationem efFusus et raptus,
nullo modo ab hujusmodi spectro et simulacro distrahi
poterat ; sed perpetuo defixus obtorpuit ; ac tandem in
florem nominis sui con versus est ; qui flos ineunte vere
se ostendit, et diis inferis, Plutoni, Proserpinae, et Eu-
menidibus sacer est.
Fabula illorum et ingenia et fortunas repraesentare
videtur, qui sive ob formam sive ob aliqua salias dotes
quibus ab ipsa natura, nulla accedente industria propria,
ornati et insigniti sunt, effuse seipsos amant, et quasi
depereunt. Cum hoc enim animi statu conjunctum
fere est, ut non multum in publico, aut in rebus civili-
bus versentur ; cum in eo vitas genere necesse sit occur-
rere multos neglectus et vilipendia, quae animos eorum
dejicere et turbare possint. Itaque vitam plerunque
degunt solitariam et privatam et umbratilem, cum per-
pauco comitum delectu, eoque ex iis qui illos magnopere
colere et admirari videntur, quique illis veluti echo in
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM. 439
omnibus dictis suis assentantur, et verborum obsequia
prsestant. Ex hac consuetudine depravatos et inflatos,
et tandem admlratlone sui ipsius attonitos, mira occupat
desidia et inertia, ut prorsus torpeant, et omni vigore et
alacritate destituantur. Eleganter autem sumitur flos
vemus ad hujusmodi ingeniorum similitudinem, cum
ilia ingenia sub initia sua floreant et celebrentur, sed
aBtate confirmata expectationem de iis conceptam des-
tituant et frustrentur. Eodem pertinet, quod flos ille
diis inferis sacer sit ; quia homines talis indolis ad om-
nia inutiles prorsus evadunt. Quicquid autem nullum
ex se fructum edit, sed (veluti via navis in mari) tran-
sit et labitur, id apud antiquos umbris et diis inferis
consecrari solebat.
V.
STYX,
SIVE FCEDERA.
Peevulgata est narratio, et in compluribus fabulis
interponitur, de unico illo juramento, quo dii superi se
obstringere solebant, cum poenitentiae locum sibi nullo
modo relinqui volebant. Illud juramentum nullam
majestatem coelestem, nullum attributum divinum ad-
vocabat et testabatur; sed Stygem, fluvium quendam
apud inferos, qui atria Ditis, multis spiris interfusus,
cingebat. Haec enim formula sacramenti sola, neque
praeter eam alia qusepiam, firma habita est et inviolab-
ilis : scilicet incumbebat poena perjurii, diis imprimis
metuenda, ut qui fefellisset ad deorum convivia per
certa annorum spatia non accederet.
440
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM.
Fabula de foederibus et pactis principum conficta
videtur : in quibus illud nimio plus quam oporteret
verum est, foedera quacunque solennitate et religione
juramenti munita parum firma esse ; adeo ut fere ad
existimationem quandam et famam et ceremoniam, ma-
gls quam ad fidem et securitatem et efFectum adhibean-
tur. Quin si accesserint etiam affinitatis vincla, veluti
Sacramenta Naturae, si merita mutua, tamen omnia in-
fra ambitionem et utilitatem et dominationis licentiam
esse apud plerosque reperiuntur. Tanto magis, quod
principibus facile sit per prsetextus varios et speciosos
cupiditates suas et fidem minus sinceram (nemine re-
rum arbitro, cui ratio sit reddenda) tueri et velare.
Itaque unum assumitur verum et proprium fidei firma-
mentum, neque illud divinitas aliqua coelestis : ea est
Necessitas (magnum potentibus numen), et periculum
status, et communicatio utilitatis. Necessitas autem
per Stygem eleganter repraesentatur, flumen fatale et
irremeabile. Atque hoc numen advocavit ad foedera
Iphicrates Atheniensis, qui quoniam inventus est qui ea
aperte loqueretur quae plerique tacite animo volvunt,
non abs re sit ipsius verba referre. Is cum Lacedaemo-
nios varias cautiones et sanctiones et foederum firmamen-
ta et vincula excogitare et proponere animadverteret,
interfatus : Unum (inquit) Lacedcemonii,, nobis vobis-
cum vinculum et securitatis ratio esse possit, si plane
demonstretis, vos ea nobis coneesdsse et inter manus pos-
uisse^ ut vohis facultas Icedendi nos, si maxime velletis,
minime suppetere possit. Itaque si facultas laedendi
sublata sit, aut si ex foedere rupto periculum ingruat
perditionis aut diminutionis status aut vectigalium, tum
demum foedera rata et sancta et tanquam juramento
Stygis confirmata censeri possint: cum metus subsit
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM. 441
interdict! illius et suspensionis a conviviis deorum ; sub
quo nomine imperii jura et praerogativae et affluentia et
felicitas antiquis significantur.
VI.
PAN,
SIVE NATURA.
Antiqui universam naturam sub persona Panis diK-
Fabuiahffic geutissime descripserunt. Hujus generatio-
invenitur, in .,,. ,. *!•••
libro secundo nem lu QUDio relmquunt. Alu enim asserunt
De Augmentis -.^ . . t« i t
scientiarum, eum a Mercurio genitum ; aln longe aliam
pietata. geuerationis formam ei tribuunt ; aiunt enim
procos universos cum Penelope rem habuisse, ex quo
promiscuo concubitu Pana communem filium ortum
esse. Atque in hac posteriore narratione, proculdubio,
aliqui ex recentioribus veteri fabulae nomen Penelopes
imposuere, quod et frequenter faciunt, cum narrationes
antiquiores ad personas et nomina juniora traducunt,
idque quandoque absurde et insulse ; ut hie cernere est ;
cum Pan ex antiquissimis diis, et longe ante tempora
Ulyssis fuerit, atque insuper Penelope ob matronalem
castitatem antiquitati venerabilis haberetur. Neque
pragtermittenda est tertia ilia generationis explicatio :
quidam enim prodiderunt eum Jovis et Hybreos, id
est, Contumeliae, filium fuisse. Utcunque orto, Parcae
illi sorores fuisse perhibentur. Effigies autem Panis
talis ab antiquitate describitur : cornutus, cornibus us-
que ad coelum fastigiatis, corpore toto hispidus et villo-
sus, barba imprimis promissa. Figura biformis, huma-
na quoad superiora, sed semifera, et in caprae pedes
desinens. Gestabat autem insignia potestatis, sinistra
fistulam, ex septem calamis compactam ; dextra pedum,
sive lignum superius curvum et inflexum ; induebati
autem chlamyde ex pelle pardalis. Potestates ei
munera hujusmodi attribuuntur, ut sit deus venatorum,''
etiam pastorum, et in universum ruricolarum ; prseses
item montium : erat etiam proximus Mercurio nuncius
deorum. Habebatur insuper dux et imperator nym-
pharum, quae circa eum pei-petuo choreas ducere et
tripudiare solebant ; comitabantur et Satyri, et his
seniores Sileni. Habebat etiam potestatem terrores
immittendi, praesertim inanes et superstitiosos, qui et
Panici vocati sunt. ' Res gestae autem ejus non muhae
memorantur : illud praecipuum, quod Cupidinem prov-
ocavit ad luctam, a quo etiam in certamine victus est.
Etiam Typhonem gigantem retibus implicavit et cohib-
uit ; atque narrant insuper, cum Ceres moesta et ob
raptam Proserpinam indignata se abscondisset, atque
dii omnes ad eam investigandam magnopere incubuis-
sent, et se per varias vias dispertiti essent ; Pani so-
lummodo ex felicitate quadam contigisse, ut inter ve-
nandum eam inveniret et indicaret. Ausus est quoque
cum Apolline de victoria musices decertare, atque eti-
am Mida judice praelatus est : ob quod judicium Midas
asininas aures tulit, sed clam et secreto. Amores Panis
nuUi referuntur, aut saltern admodum rari, quod mirum
inter turbam deorum prorsus tam profuse amatoriam
videri possit. Illud solummodo ei datur, quod Echo
adamaret, quae etiam uxor ejus habita est, atque unam
etiam nympham, Syringam nomine, in quam propter
iram et vindictam Cupidlnis (quem ad luctam provo-
care non reveritus esset) incensus est. Neque etiam
prolem ullam suscepit (quod similiter mirum est, cum
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM. 443
dii praBsertim masculi prolifici admodum essent) nisi
quod ei tribuatur tanquam filia, muliercula quaedam
ancilla larabe nomine, quae ridiculis narratiunculis
oblectare hospites solebat, ejusque proles ex conjuge
Echo esse a nonnullis existimabatur :
Fabula nobilis, si quae alia, atque naturae arcanis et
mysteriis gravida, et quasi distenta.
Pan (ut et nomen ipsum etiam sonat) Universitatem
Rerum, sive Naturam, repraesentat et proponit. De
hujus origine duplex omnino sententia est ; atque adeo
esse potest : aut enim a Mercurio est, verbo scilicet
divino (quod et sacrae literae extra controversiam po-
nunt, et philosophis iis qui magis divini habiti sunt
visum est), aut ex confusis rerum seminibus. Qui
enim unum rerum principium posuerunt, aut ad Deum
illud retulerunt ; aut si materiatum principium volunt,
illud tamen potentia varium asseruerunt; adeo ut omnis
hujusmodi controversia ad illam distributionem reduca-
tur, ut mundus sit vel a Mercurio vel a procis omnibus.
Namque canebat uti magnum per inane coacta
Semina terrarumque animaeque marisque fuissent
Et liquidi siraul ignis, et his exordia primis
Omnia, et ipse tener mundi concreverit orbis.
Tertia autem generatio Panis ejusmodi est, ut vide-
antur Graeci aliquid de Hebraeorum mysteriis, vel per
^gyptios internuncios vel utcunque inaudivisse ; per-
tinet enim ad statum mundi non in meris natalibus
suis, sed post lapsum Adami, morti et corruption! ex-
positum et obnoxium factum. Ille enim status Dei et
peccati proles fuit, ac manet. Itaque triplex ista nar-
ratio de generatione Panis etiam vera videri possit, si
rite et rebus et temporibus distinguatur ; nam iste Pan,
quem intuemur et contemplamur, ac nimio plus quam
444
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM.
oportet coHmus, ex verbo divino, mediante confas
materia (quae et ipsa a Deo creata erat),^ et subin-
trante praevaricatione et corniptione, ortum habet. Na-
turae rerum, Fata rerum sorores vere perbibentUr et
ponuntur ; naturalium siquidem causarum catenae ortus
rerum, et durationes, et interitus, et depressiones, et
eminentias, et labores, et felicitates, et fata denique
omnia quae rebus accidere possunt, trabunt. Cornua
autem mundo attribuuntur. Quod vero cornua hu-
jusmodi ab imo latiora, ad verticem acuta sint ; id eo
spectat, quod omnis rerum natura instar pyramidis
acuta sit : ^ individua enim infinita sunt ; ea colliguntur
in species et ipsas multiplices ; species rursus insurgunt
in genera ; atque haec quoque ascendendo in magis
generalia contrahuntur, ut tandem natura tanquam in
unum coire videatur. Neque mirum est Panis cornua
etiam coelum ferire ; cum summitates naturae sive ideae
universales etiam ad divina quodammodo pertingant.
Paratus enim et propinquus est transitus a metaphysica
ad tbeologiam naturalem. Corpus autem naturae el-
egantissime et verissime depingitur hirsutum, propter
rerum radios ; radii enim sunt tanquam naturae crines,
sive villi, atque omnia fere vel magis vel minus radiosa
sunt ; quod in facultate visus manifestissimum est, nee
minus in omni virtute et operatione ad distans ; quic-
quid enim operatur ad distans, id etiam radios emittere
recte dici potest ; sed maxime omnium prominet barba
Panis, quia radii corporum coelestium maxime ex lon-
ginquo operantur et penetrant. Quin et sol, quando
parte superiore ejus nube obvoluta radii inferius erum-
1 The words within the parenthesis are not in Ed. 1609.
2 In Ed. 1609 this sentence stood thus : Cornua autem Mundo attribuun-
tur; quod Cornua hujv^modi ab imo latiora, ad verticem acuta sint : Omnis
enim rerum natura instar Pyramidis acuta est.
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM. 445
punt, ad aspectum barbatus cernitur. Etiam corpus
naturae rectissime describitur biforme, ob difFerentiam
corporum superiorum et inferiorum. Ilia enim ob
pulchritudinem et motus sequabilitatem et constantiam,
necnon imperium in terram et terrestria, merito sub
humana figura reprsesentantur : baec autem ob pertur-
bationem et motus incompositos, et quod a coelestibus
regantur, bruti animalis figura contenta esse possunt.
Eadem corporis descriptio pertinet ad participationem
specierum. Nulla enim natura simplex videri potest,
sed tanquam ex duobus participans et concreta. Habet
enim homo nonnihil ex bruto, brutum nonnihil ex plan-
ta, planta nonnihil ex corpore inanimato, omniaque
revera biformia sunt, et ex specie superiore et inferiore
compacta. Acutissima autem est allegoria de pedibus
caprse, propter motum ascensionis corporum terrestrium
versus regiones aeris et coeli : capra enim animal scan-
sorium est, eaque e rupibus pendere atque in prsecipit-
iis haerere amat ; quod etiam res licet inferiori globo
destinatae miris modis faciunt, ut in nubibus et meteoris
manifestissimum est. Insignia autem in manibus Panis
duplicia. Alterum harmoniae, alterum imperii. Fis-
tula enim ex septem calamis concentum rerum et har-
moniam, sive concordiam cum discordia mistam, quae
ex septem stellarum errantium motu conficitur, evi-
denter ostendit. Pedum autem illud etiam nobilis
translatio est; propter vias naturae partim rectas, partim
obliquas. Praecipue autem lignum, sive virga, versus
superiorem partem curva est : quia omnia providentiae
divinae opera in mundo fere per ambages et circuitus
fiunt; ut aliud agi videri possit, aliud interim revera
agatur ; ut Josephi venditio in ^gyptum, et similia.
Quinetiam in regimine humano omni prudentiore, qui
446
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM.
ad gubernacula sedent, populo convenientia per pra&-
textus et vias obliquas felicius quae volunt, quam ex
directo, superinducunt et insinuant ; adeo ut omnis
imperii virga sive bacillum vere superius inflexum sit.
Vestis Panis et amiculum ingeniose admodum ex pelle
pardalis fuisse fingitur ; propter maculas ubique spar-
sas ; coelum enim stellis, maria insulis, tellus floribus
consperguntur ; atque etiam res particulares fere varie-
gatae esse solent circa superficiem, quae veluti rei chla-
mys est. Officium autem Panis nulla alia re tarn ad
vivum proponi atque explicari potuerit, quam ut Deus
venatorum sit. Omnis enim naturalis actio, atque
adeo motus et processus, nihil aliud quam venatio est.
Nam et scientiae et artes opera sua venantur, et con-
cilia humana fines suos, atque res naturales omnes vel
alimenta sua tanquam praedam, vel voluptates suas tan-
quam solatium, venantur, idque modis peritis et saga-
cibus.
Torva lesena lupum sequitur, lupus ipse capellam,
Florentem cytisum sequitur lasciva capella.
Etiam ruricolarum in genere Pan deus est, quia hu-
jusmodi homines magis secundum naturam vivant,
cum in urbibus et aulis natura a cultu nimio corrum-
patur ; ut illud poetae amatorium verum sit ;
Pars minima est ipsa puella sui.
Montium autem imprimis praeses dicitur Pan, quia in
montibus et locis editis natura rerum panditur, atque
oculis et contemplationi magis subjicitur. Quod alter a
Mercurio deorum nuncius sit Pan, ea allegoria plane di-
vina est, cum proxime post verbum Dei, ipsa mundi im-
ago divinae potentiae et sapientiae praeconium sit. Quod
et poeta divinus cecinit : Coeli enarrant gloriam Dei, at-
que opera manuum ejus indicat Jirmamentum. Pana au-
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM. 447
tern oblectant nymphae ; animae scilicet ; deliciae enim
mundi, animae viventium sunt : ille autem merito earum
imperator, cum illae naturam quaeque suam veluti ducem
sequantur, et circa eam cum infinita varietate, veluti
singulae more patrio, saltent et choreas ducant, motu
neutiquam cessante : una perpetuo comitantur Satyri
et Sileni ; senectus scilicet et juventus ; omnium enim
rerum est aetas quaedam hilaris et saltatrix ; atque
rursus aetas tarda et bibula : utriusque autem aetatis
studia vere contemplanti (tanquam Democrito) for-
tasse ridicula et deformia videntur, instar Satyri alicu-
jus aut Sileni. De Panicis autem terroribus pruden-
tissima doctrina proponitur: natura enim rerum om-
nibus viventibus indidit metum ac formidinem, vitae
atque essenti^e suae conservatricem, ac mala ingruen-
tia vitantem et depellentem : veruntamen eadem na-
tura modum tenere nescia est ; sed timoribus salutari-
bus semper vanos et inanes admiscet, adeo ut omnia
(si intus conspici darentur) Panicis terroribus plenis-
sima sint ; praesertim humana, quae superstitione (quae
vere nihil aliud quam Panicus terror est) in imm en-
sum laborant ; maxime temporibus duris et trepidis
et adversis. Quod vero attinet ad audaciam Panis,
et pugnam per provocationem cum Cupidine ; id eo
spectat, quia materia non caret inclinatione et appetitu
ad dissolutionem mundi et redicivationem in illud
Chaos antiquum, nisi praevalida rerum concordia (per
Amorem sive Cupidinem significata) malitia et im-
petus ejus cohiberetur et in ordinem compelleretur :
itaque bono admodum hominum et rerum fato fit, ut
illud certamen Pan adversum experiatur, et victus
abscedat. Eodem prorsus pertinet et illud de Ty-
phone in retibus implicato ; quia utcunque aliquando
448
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM.
vasti et insoliti rerum tumores sint (id quod Typhon
soiiat) sive intumescant maria, sive intumescant nu-
bes, sive intumescat terra, sive alia, tamen Reruni|
Natura hujusmodi corporum exuperantias atque ins(
lentias reti inextricabili implicat et coercet, et veluti
catena adamantina devincit. Quod autem inventio
Cereris huic deo attribuitur, idque inter venationem ;
reliquis diis negatur, licet sedulo quserentibus et illudj
ipsum agentibus; monitum habet verum admodumi
et prudens ; hoc est, ne rerum utilium ad vitam etl
cultum inventio, qualis fuit segetum,^ a philosophiis
abstractis, tanquam diis majoribus, expectetur. Heel
totis viribus in illud ipsum incumbant; sed tantum-1
modo a Pane, id est, experientia sagaci et rerum mundi
notitia universali, quae etiam casu quodam ac veluti
inter venandum in hujusmodi inventa incidere solet.
Illud autem musices certamen, ejusque eventus, salu-
tarem exhibet doctrinam, atque eam quae rationi et
judicio humano gestienti et se efFerenti sobrietatis vin-
cula injicere possit. Duplex enim videtur esse Har-^
monia et quasi musica : altera providentise divinae,
altera rationis humanse. Judicio enim humano, aCj
veluti auribus mortalium, administratio mundi et re-j
rum, et judicia divina secretiora, sonant aliquid durum!
et quasi absonum : qu£e inscitia licet asininis auribus
merito insigniatur, tamen et ipsae illae aures secrete
nee palam gestantur : neque enim hujusce rei defor-
mitas a vulgo conspicitur aut notatur. Postremo,
minime mirum est si nulli amores Pani attribuantur,
praeter conjugium Echus ; mundus enim seipso,^ atque
in se rebus omnibus fruitur : qui amat autem, fi-ui
1 The words quale fuit segetum are not in Ed. 1609.
2 se ipse. Ed. 1609.
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM. 449
vult, neque in copia desiderio locus est. Itaque mun-
di amores esse imlli possunt, nee potiendi cupido, cum
seipso ^ contentus sit, nisi fortasse sermones : ii sunt
nympha, Echo, aut si accuratiores sint, Syringa. In-
ter sermones autem, sive voces, excellenter ad conju-
gium mundi sumitur sola Echo ; ea enim demum vera
est philosophia, quae mundi ipsius voces fidelissime
reddit, et veluti dictante mundo conscripta est; et
nihil aliud est quam ejusdem simulacrum et reflexio,
neque addit quicquam de proprio, sed tantum iterat
et resonat. Ad mundi etiam sufficientiam et perfec-
tionem pertinet, quod prolem non edat. Ille enim per
partes generat ; per totum autem quomodo generare
possit? cum corpus extra ipsum non sit. Nam de
filia ejus putativa, muliercula ilia, est sane ea adjectio
quaedam ad fabulam sapientissima ; per illam enim
reprsesentantur eae quae perpetuis temporibus passim
vagantur, atque omnia implent, vaniloquae de rerum
natura doctrinae, re ipsa infructuosae, genere quasi sub-
dititiae, garrulitate vero interdum jucundae, interdum
molestae et importunae.
VII.
PERSEUS,
SIVE BELLUM.
Perseus traditur fuisse a Pallade missus ad obtrun-
Fabuiahaec caudam Mcdusam, quae populis plurimis ad
libKTsecundo occidcutem in extremis Hiberiae partibus
sci^nSum)^ maximae calamitati fuit. Monstrum enim
pSr.*^ ^^'^'^' hoc tam dirum atque horrendum fuit, ut
1 seipse. Ed. 1609.
VOL. XII. 29
450
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM.
aspectu solo homines in saxa verteret. Erat autem
e Gorgonibus una ac sola mortalis Medusa ; cum
passiv£e reliquae non essent. Itaque Perseus ad tam
nobile facinus se comparans, anna ac dona a tribus
diis accepit : talares alas a Mercurio, a Plutone galeam,
scutum a Pallade et speculum. Neque tamen, licet
tanto apparatu instructus, ad Medusam recta perrexit ;
sed primum ad Graeas divertit : eae sorores ex altera
parente Gorgonibus erant. Atque Graeae istse canae
jam a nativitate erant, et tanquam vetulae. Oculus
autem iis tantummodo et dens erat omnibus unicus ;
quos prout exire foras quamque contigerat ; vicissim
gestare, reversae autem iterum deponere solebant : hunc
itaque oculum atque hunc dentem illae Perseo com-
modarunt. Tum demum cum se abunde ad destinata
perficienda instructum judicaret, ad Medusam prope-
ravit impiger et volans. Illam autem dormientem of-
fendit. Neque tamen aspectui ejus (si evigilaret) se
committere audebat ; sed cervice reflexa, in speculum
Palladis inspiciens, atque hoc modo ictus dirigens, caput
ei abscidit. Ex sanguine autem Medusae fuso, statim
Pegasus alatus emicuit. Caput autem abscissum Per-
seus in scutum Palladis inseruit, cui etiamnum sua
mansit vis, ut ad ejus intuitum omnes ceu attoniti aut
siderati obrigerent.
Fabula de belligerandi ratione et prudentia conficta
videtur. Atque in ipsa de bello suscipiendo et de
gen ere belli eligendo deliberatione, tria proponit prae-
cepta Sana et gravia, tanquam ex consilio Palladis.
Primo, ut de subjugatione nationum finitimarum quTs
non admodum laboret. Neque enim eadem est patri-
monii et imperii amplificandi ratio. Nam in posses-
sionibus privatis, vicinitas praediorum spectatur ; sed in
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM. 451
propagando imperio, occasio, et belli conficiendi facilitas
et fructus, loco vicinitatis esse debent.^ Certe Roma-
ni, quo tempore occidentem versus vix ultra Liguriam
penetraverant, orientis provincias usque ad montem
Taurum armis et imperio complexi sunt. Itaque Per-
seus, licet orientalis, tamen longinquam expedition em
usque ad extrema occidentis minima detrectavit. Se-
cundo, curae esse debet, ut justa et honorifica subsit
belli causa ; id enim et alacritatem tum militibus tum
populis impensas conferentibus addit, et societates
aperit et conciliat, et plurimas denique commoditates
habet. Nulla autem belli causa magis pia sit, quam
debellatio tyrannidis, sub qua populus succumbit et
prosternitur sine animis et vigore, tanquam sub aspectu
Medusae. Tertio, prudenter additur, quod cum tres
Gorgones fiierint (per quas bella reprsesentantur), Per-
seus illam delegerit quae fuerit mortalis ; hoc est, bel-
lum ejus conditionis quod confici et ad exitum perduci
posset ; nee vastas aut infinitas spes persecutus est.
Instructio autem Persei ea est, quae ad bellum unice
confert, et fortunam fere trahit. Accepit enim celeri-
tatem a Mercurio, occultationem consiliorum ab Oreo,
et providentiam a Pallade. Neque caret allegoria,
eaque prudentissima, quod alae illae celeritatis talares,
non axillares, fuerint, atque pedibus non humeris ad-
ditae : quia non tam in primis belli aggressibus, quam
in eis quae sequuntur et primis subsidio sunt, celeritas
requiritur : nullus enim error in bellis magis frequens
est, quam quod prosecutiones et subsidiarii impetus
initorum alacritati non respondent. Etiam ilia provi-
denti^e divisio (nam de galea Plutonis, quae homines
invisibiles reddere solebat, parabola manifesta est) in-
1 debet. Ed. 1609.
452
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM.
geniosa videtur, de scuto et speciilo ; neque enim ea
providentia solum adhibenda est quaB cavet instar scuti,
sed ilia altera per quam hostium vires et motus et con-
silia cemuntur, instar speculi Palladis. Verum Perseo
utcunque copiis aut aniinis instructo, restat aliud quid-
dam maximi per omnia moment! antequam incipiatur
bellum, nimirum ut divertat ad Graeas. Grseae autem
proditiones sunt ; bellorum scilicet sorores, non germa-
naB illae quidem, sed generis nobilitate quasi impares.
Bella enim generosa, proditiones degeneres et turpes.
Earum descriptio elegans est ; ut canaB a nativitate
sint et tanquam vetulae ; propter perpetuas proditorum
curas et trepidationes. Earum autem vis (antequam in
manifestam defectionem erumpant) aut in oculo aut in
dente est. Omnis enim factio a statu quopiam alienata,
et speculatur et mordet. Atque hujusmodi oculus et
dens tanquam communis est. Nam quae didicerunt et
noverunt, fere per manus factionis ab uno ad alterum
transeunt et percurrunt. Et quod ad dentem attinet,
uno fere ore mordent, et similem cantilenam canunt, ut
si unum audias omnes audias. Itaque Perseo concili-
andae sunt istas Graeae, ut oculum et dentem ei commo-
dent : oculum ad indicia, dentem ad rumores serendos,
et invidiam conflandam, et animos hominum sollicitan-
dos. His itaque dispositis et praeparatis, sequitur ipsa
belli actio. In ea Medusam dormientem invenit. Pru-
dens enim belli susceptor semper fere hostem assequitur
imparatum et securitati propiorem. Atque nunc tan-
dem speculo Palladis opus est ; plurimi enim ante ipsa
pericula res hostium acute et attente introspicere pos-
sunt ; sed in ipso periculi articulo praecipuus est usus
speculi, ut modus periculi cematur, terror non offun-
datur : (quod per ilium intuitum capite averso sig-
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM. 453
nificatur). A bello perfecto sequuntur efFecta duo :
primum Pegasi ilia generatio et exsuscitatio, quae satis
evidenter Famam denotat, quae per omnia vol at et vic-
toriam celebrat : secundum, gestatio capitis Medusae in
scuto ; siquidem nullum praesidii genus huic ob prae-
stantiam comparari possit. Unicum enim facinus in-
signe et memorabile, feliciter gestum et perpetratum,
omnes inimicorura motus cohibet, atque malevolentiam
ipsam stupidam reddit.
VIII.
ENDYMION,
81 VE GRATIOSUS.
Pastor Endymion traditur a Luna fuisse adamatus :
novum autem et singulare erat consuetudinis genus,
siquidem ille decumbebat in nativa quadam specu, sub
saxis Latmiis ; Luna autem baud raro de coelo perhi-
betur descendisse, et sopiti oscula petiisse, ac rursus in
coelum se recepisse. Neque tamen otium istud et som-
nus in detrimentum fortunarum ejus cedebat. Sed
Luna interim efFecit, ut pecus ejus pinguesceret admo-
dum, ac numero etiam felicissime auctum esset, ut nulli
pastorum greges essent laetiores aut numerosiores.
Fabula ad ingenia et mores principum pertinere vi-
detur. Illi enim cogitationum pleni et in suspiciones
propensi, non facile ad consuetudinem vitae interiorem
recipiunt homines qui sunt perspicaces et curiosi, et
quasi animo vigilantes, sive exsomnes ; sed potius eos
qui ingenio sunt quieto et morigero, et quod placitum
est illis patiuntur et nil ultra inquirunt, sed se veluti
454 DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM.
ignaros et nil sentientes et quasi sopitos praebent ;
denique magis obsequium simplex quam observantiam
callidam praestant. Etenim cum hujusmodi hominibus
principes de majestate sua, veluti Luna de orbe supe-
riore, descendere, et personam (quam perpetuo gerere
instar oneris cujusdam sit) deponere, et familiariter
versari, libenter consueverunt ; idque se tuto facere
posse putant. Id quod in Tiberio Csesare, principe
omnium maxime difficili, praecipue annotatum fuit :
apud quem illi solummodo gratiosi erant, qui notitiam
morum ejus revera habebant, sed pertinaciter et quasi
stupide dissimulabant. Quod etiam Ludovico undeci-
mo Francorum regi, principi cautissimo et callidissimo,
in moribus erat. Neque ineleganter in fabula ponitur
antrum illud Endymionis : quia fere usitatum est illis
qui hujusmodi gratia apud principes florent, habere suc-
cessus aliquos amoenos, quo illos invitent ad otium et
animi remissionem, absque fortunae suae mole. Qui
autem in hoc genere gratiosi sunt, plerumque rem
suam bene agunt. Nam principes licet fortasse ad
honores eos non evehant, tamen cum vero afFectu nee
propter utilitatem tantum illos diligant, munificentia
sua eos ditare consueverunt.
END OF VOL. XH.
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